Feminist Contamination of Rape Hysteria on Campus and Community.
We have been lied to so often by feminists and the “Rape Grievance Industry”, that one wonders if the truth will actually ever surface again, as the majority of reports that does surface are often so skewed and biased, even the categories that the Rape Charges are filled under are questionable as more variations of rape are included. It has been demonstrated as well that feminists bias scientific analysis continually, they contaminate the facts and inflate and exploit the numbers for no other reason than to increase funding and to try to verify the outlandish claims they continuously and constantly fabricate.
This study was completed in 1994(would be more accurate than current biased studies), with an update from two Major Universities in the South West, that shows similar numbers in claims as this study shows when compiling information from a small metropolitan community of 70,000 inhabitants. The study does not unfortunately quantify the populations of the two major Universities they studied, so one has to guess at the population size. A major University could have a population of about 20-26,000 students. The study indicates that the figures collected were proportional to the small community studied. So the overall percentage ratio would be similar.
So according to the study we have 109 Rapes claimed over 9 years, of which 45 were declared to be false rape claims. So we now have 64 remaining. 64 assaults over 9 years is 7 per year in a population of 70,000 which makes it .01 percentile. Not quite the one in four rubbish that feminists have been lying about all these years and that applies to Universities as well as the study states the ratios were the same.
False Rape Allegations
Eugene J. Kanin, Ph.D. 1
http://blog.lib.umn.edu/jbs/maysession/KaninFalseRapeAllegations.pdf
With the cooperation of the police agency of a small metropolitan community,
45 consecutive, disposed, false rape allegations covering a 9 year period were
studied. These false rape allegations constitute 41% the total forcible rape cases
(n = 109) reported during this period. These false allegations appear to serve
three major functions for the complainants: providing an alib~ seeking revenge,
and obtaining sympathy and attention. False rape allegations are not the
consequence of a gender-linked aberration, as frequently claimed, but reflect
impulsive and desperate efforts to cope with personal and social stress
situations.
The fascinating declaration contained in this study is the classification of a condition named Pseudologia phantastica. the condition described below, one that feminists do their best to ignore and avoid at all costs, as it describes a condition present in the female mind that describes the reasons why they make false rape claims and actually believe it has happened when in actual case it is just pure fantasy. So more manipulation of the facts by feminists, who have falsely distorted every issue and facts regarding rape and claim that it is so prolific that billions of dollars are falsely claimed in order to reduce what is in actual fact just a minor level crime.
Pseudologia phantastica was described
as a “Delusional state in which the complainant truly believes that she had
been raped although no rape, and perhaps no sexual contact of any kind,
had taken place. Since she firmly believes this non-fact, her story is un-
shakable” (Bessmer, 1984). Less pretentious legal scholars made the same
point by merely making references to delusional and hysterical states
(Smith, 1953-1954; Comment, 1970). In recent years, however, possibly as
a response to the women’s movement, members of the mental health and
legal community have become markedly less likely to express such a posi-
tion on false rape allegations. In England, judges still rather freely comment
on the mendacious nature of women (Lowe, 1984)
The actual figures supplied over a nine year period from this community was 109 rapes were claimed to have occurred but 45% were found to be false and the author explains that in order for a false rape claim to be registered, the individual making the claim has to confess or state that it was a false rape claim. That is the only way that the case would be registered as such.
The investigation of all rape com-
plaints always involves a serious offer to polygraph the complainants and
the suspects. Additionally, for a declaration of false charge to be made,
the complainant must admit that no rape had occurred. She is the sole
agent who can say that the rape charge is false. The police department
will not declare a rape charge as false when the complainant, for whatever
reason, fails to pursue the charge or cooperate on the case, regardless how
much doubt the police may have regarding the validity of the charge. In
short, these cases are declared false only because the complainant admitted
they are false. Furthermore, only one person is then empowered to enter
into the records a formal declaration that the charge is false, the officer 84 Kanin
in charge of records. Last, it should be noted that this department does
not confuse reported rape attempts with completed rapeso Thus, the rape
complainants referred to in this paper are for completed forcible rapes
only. The foregoing leaves us with a certain confidence that cases declared
false by this police agency are indeed a reasonable–if not a minimal-
reflection of false rape allegations made to this agency, especially when
one considers that a finding of false allegation is totaUy dependent upon
the recantation of the rape charge.
We followed and investigated all false rape allegations from 1978 to
1987. A ranking police official notified us whenever a rape charge was
declared false and provided us with the records of the case. In addition,
the investigating officers provided any requested supplementary information
so that we could be confident of the validity of the false rape allegation
declarations.
FINDINGS
Incidence of False Allegations
Widely divergent viewpoints are held regarding the incidence of false
rape reporting (Katz and Mazur, 1979). For example, reports set the figure
from lows of 0.25% (O’Reilly, 1984) and 1% (Krasner et aL, 1976) to highs
of 80-90% (Bronson, 1918; Comment, 1968) and even 100% (see Kanin,
1985). All of these figures represent releases from some criminal justice
agency or are estimates from clinical practitioners. The extraordinary range
of these estimates makes a researcher suspect that inordinate biases are at
work.
Regarding this study, 41% (n = 45) of the total disposed rape cases
(n = 109) were officially declared false during this 9-year period, that is,
by the complainant’s admission that no rape had occurred and the charge,
therefore, was false. The incidence figure was variable from year to year
and ranged from a low of 27% (3 out of 11 cases) to a high of 70% (7
out of 10 cases). The 9-year period suggests no trends, and no explanation
has been made for the year-to-year fluctuation.
Although very little information exists regarding the characteristics of
the complainant, some data can be offered. These false complainants are
all white, largely of lower socioeconomic background, and the majority were
modestly educated. Only three complainants had any education beyond
high school. The mean age of these women was 22. On the basis of the
limited information available, these women could not be distinguished from
those whose complaints were recorded as valid. False Rape Allegations 85
The study of these 45 cases of false rape allegations inexorably led
to the conclusion that these false charges were able to serve three major
functions for the complainants: providing an alibi, a means of gaining re-
venge, and a platform for seeking attention/sympathy. This tripartite model
resulted from the complainants’ own verbalizations during recantation and
does not constitute conjecture. Of course, we are not asserting that these
functions are mutually exclusive or exhaustive; rather, these rape recanta-
tions focused on a single factor explanation. A possible objection to these
recantations concerns their validity. Rape recantations could be the result
of the complainants’ desire to avoid a “second assault” at the hands of the
police. Rather than proceed with the real charge of rape, the argument
goes, these women withdrew their accusations to avoid the trauma of police
investigation.
Several responses are possible to this type of criticism. First, with very
few exceptions, these complainants were suspect at the time of the com-
plaint or within a day or two after charging. These recantations did not
follow prolonged periods of investigation and interrogation that would con-
stitute anything approximating a second assault. Second, not one of the
detectives believed that an incident of false recantation had occurred. They
argued, rather convincingly, that in those cases where a suspect was iden-
tified and interrogated, the facts of the recantation dovetailed with the
suspect’s own defense. Last, the policy of this police agency is to apply a
statute regarding the false reporting of a felony. After the recant, the com-
plainant is informed that she will be charged with filing a false complaint,
punishable by a substantial fine and a jail sentence. In no case, has an
effort been made on the part of the complainant to retract the recantation.
Although we certainly do not deny the possibility of false recantations, no
evidence supports such an interpretation for these cases.
Alibi Function
Of the 45 cases of false charges, over one-half (56%, n = 27) served
the complainants’ need to provide a plausible explanation for some sud-
denly foreseen, unfortunate consequence of a consensual encounter, usually
sexual, with a male acquaintance. An assailant is identified in approximately
orte half of these cases. Representative cases include the following:
An unmarried 16-year-old female had sex with her boyfriend and later became
concerned that she might be pregnant. She said she had been raped by an unknown
assailant in the hopes that the hospital would give her something to abort the
possible pregnancy. 86 Kanin
A married 30-year-old female reported that she had been raped in her apartment
complex. During the polygraph examination, she admitted that she was a willing
partner. She reported that she had been raped because her partner did not stop
before ejaculation, as he had agreed, and she was afraid she was pregnant. Her
husband is overseas.
The above cases are prototypical cases where the fear of pregnancy is para-
mount in motivating the rape charge. This theme is constant, only the sce-
nario changes in that the lover is black, the husband is out of state on a
job, the husband had a vasectomy, the condom broke. Only three cases
deviated from this tradition:
A divorced female, 25 years of age, whose parents have custody of her 4-year-old
ehild. She lost custody at the time of her divorce when she was declared an unfit
mother. She was out with a male friend and got into a fight. He blackened her eye
and cut her lip. She claimed she was raped and beaten by him so that she could
explain her injuries. She did not want to admit she was in a drunken brawl, as this
admission would have jeopardized her upcoming custody hearing.
A 16-year-old eomplainant, her girlfriend, and two male companions were having
a drinking party at her home. She openly invited one of the males, a easual friend,
to have sex with her. Later in the evening, two other male acquaintances dropped
in and, in the presence of all, her sex partner “bragged” that he had just had sex
with her. She quickly ran out to another girlfriend’s house and told her she had
been raped. Soon, her mother was called and the police were notified. Two days
later, when confronted with the contradictory stories of her companions, she
admitted that she had not been raped. Her charge of rape was primarily motivated
by an urgent desire to defuse what surely would be public information among her
friends at sehool the next day, her promiscuity.
A 37-year-old woman reported having been raped “by some nigger.” She gave
conflieting reports of the incident on two occasions and, when confronted with
these, she admitted that the entire story was a fabrication. She feared her boyfriend
had given her “some sexual disease,” and she wanted to be seht to the hospital to
ùger checked out.” She wanted a respectable reason, i.e., as an innocent victim of
rape, to explain the acquisition of her infection.
Revenge
Essentially, this category involved a false rape report as a means of
retaliating against a rejecting male. Twenty-seven percent (n = 12) of the
cases clearly seemed to serve this function. These rejections, however,
ranged from the very evident cases of women who were sexually and emo-
tionally involved with a reciprocating male to those women who saw
themselves spurned from what was in reality the females’ unilateral involve-
ment. Regardless, these women responded with a false rape charge to
perceived rejections. Because the suspect is always identified, the false al-
legations potentially pose the greatest danger for a miscarriage of justice.
Examples of these types of cases are as follows: False Rape Allegations 87
An 18-year-oid woman was having sex with a boarder in her mother’s house for a
period of 3 months. When the mother learned of her behavior frorn other boarders,
the rnother ordered the man to leave. The complainant learned that her Iover was
packing and she weht to his room and told hirn she would be ready to leave with
hirn in an hour. He responded with “who the hell wants you.” She briefly argued
with hirn and then proceeded to the police station to report that he had raped her.
She admitted the false charge during the polygraph examination.
A 17-year-old female came to headquarters and said that she had been raped by
a house parent in the group home in which she lived. A female house parent
accornpanied her to the station and told the police she did not believe that a rape
had occurred. The complainant failed the polygraph examination and then admitted
that she liked the house parent, and when he refused her advances, she reported
the rape to “get even with hirn.”
A 16-year-old reported she was raped, and her boyfriend was charged. She later
admitted that she was “mad at him” because he was seeing another girl, and she
“wanted to get him into trouble.”
Attention/Sympathy-Getting Device
Although this device seems to be the most extravagant use for which
a false rape charge is made, it is also the most socially harmless in that
no one was identified as the rapist. Approximately 18% (n = 8) of the
false charges clearly served this function. The entire verbalization of the
charge is, by and large, a fabrication without base. The foUowing are typical
examples:
An unmarried female, age 17, abruptly left her girlfriends in the park one afternoon
allegedly to go riding with a young man, a stranger she met earlier that morning
who wanted her to smoke rnarijuana with hirn. Later that day, she told her friends
she was raped by this man. Her friends reported the incident to the police, and
the alleged vicüm went along with the rape charge because “I didn’t want them to
know that I lied to them.” She explained that she manufactured this story because
she wanted the attention.
An unmarried female, age 17, had been having violent quarrels with her mother
who was critical of her laziness and style of life. She reported that she was raped
so that her mother would “get off my back and give me a little sympathy.”
An unmarried female, age 41, was in postdivorce counseling, and she wanted more
attention and sympathy from her counselor because she “liked hirn.” She fabricated
a rape episode, and he took her to the police station and assisted her in making
the charge. She could not back out since she would have to admit lying to hirn.
She adrnitted the false allegation when she was offered to be polygraphed.
RELATED FINDINGS
In addition to the foregoing, certain other findings and observations
relevant to false allegations warrant comment. First, false ällegations failed
to include accusations of forced sexual acts other than penfle-vaginal ihrer- 88 Kanin
course. Not one complainant mentions forced oral or anal sex. In contrast,
these acts were included in approximately 25% of the founded forcible rape
complaints. Perhaps it was simply psychologically and socially more prudent
for these women to minimize the humiliation of sexual victimization by not
embroidering the event any more than necessary. This phenomenon has
been observed previously (McDowell and Hibler, 1987).
Second, although the literature liberaUy refers to various extortion
scams as responsible for false rape charging (Comment, 1968; MacDonald,
1973), no such cases were encountered or could even be recalled by mem-
bers of the police agency. This type of case may very weil be a period
piece, or perhaps it was even then the exceptional case. Extraordinary at-
tention would readily have been forthcoming since this theory nicely
meshed with the position of prevailing authorities who stressed the omni-
present threat of female cunning and stealth. One authority, (MacDonald,
1973), for example, cited a 1918 article (Bronson) to illustrate a blackmail
case since he never encountered one himself.
In a similar vein, no apparent case of pseudologia phantastica sur-
faced. The earlier view of a deluded complainant, tenaciously affirming her
victimization, just does not appear here. These women were not inclined
to put up a steadfast defense of their victimization, let alone pursue it into
the courtroom. Recantation overwhelmingly came early and relatively
easily. Certainly, false rape allegations can arise from a deluded condition
but we failed to find indicators for what was once offered as the most com-
mon explanation for false rape allegation.
One of the most haunting and serious implications of false rape al-
legations concerns the possibility of miscarried justice. We know that false
convictions occur, but this study only teils us that these false accusers were
weeded out during the very early stages of investigation. However encour-
aging this result may be, we cannot claim that false charging does not incur
suffering for the accused. Merely to be a rape suspect, even for a day or
two, translates into psychological and social trauma.
CONCLUSIONS
We feel that these false accusations can be viewed as the impulsive and
desperate gestures of women simply attempting to alleviate understandable
conditions of personal and social distress and that, as an aggregate, labels
connoting pathology, e.g., delusional states, are uncalled for. One can be
tempted to pigeonhole this type of conduct since we view it as extreme, as
deviant, as criminally reckless. At first glance, false rape allegation seems
to be a rather extreme gesture to satisfy alibi, revenge, or attention needs.
Faise Rape Allegatlons 89
Practitioners in the mental health and legal professions, however, will read-
ily recognize that these false rape reports are not really exceptional
exaggerations in light of what people rather commonly do in order to satisfy
these same needs in other contexts. Consider the extravagant and perjurious
accusations that routinely pepper divorce and child custody proceedings,
and the inordinate departures from the truth that have accompanied cre-
dentialed and respected political and corporate figures in their quest for
recognition and office. And think of the petty and commonplace transgres-
sions that people frequently verbalize as reasons for having committed
homicide.
No evidence exists to suggest that something unique or defective is
in the female condition that prompts such behavior. Rather, something bio-
logical, legal, and cultural would seem to make false rape allegations
inevitable. If rape were a commonplace victimization experience of men,
if men could experience the anxiety of possible pregnancy from illicit af-
fairs, if men had a cultural base that would support their confidence in
using rape accusations punitively, and if men could feel secure that vic-
timization could elicit attention and syrnpathy, then men also would be
making false rape accusations.
Most problematic is the question of the generalizability of these find-
ings from a single police agency handling a relatively small number of cases.
Certainly, our intent is not to suggest that the 41% incidence found hefe
be extrapolated to other populations, particularly in light of our ignorance
regarding the structural variables that might be influencing such behavior
and which could be responsible for wide variations among cities. But a far
greater obstacle to obtaining “true” incidence figures, especially for larger
cities, would be the extraordinary variations in police agency policies (see
Comment, 1968; Newsweek, 1983; Pepinsky and Jesilow, 1984); variations
so diverse, in fact, that some police agencies cannot find a single rape com-
plaint with merit, while others cannot find a single rape complaint without
merit. Similarly, some police agencies report all of their unfounded rape
cases to be due to false allegation, while other agencies report none of
their unfounded declarations to be based on false allegation (Kanin, 1985).
Some of these policies are really nothing more than statistical and proce-
dural legerdemain. On the other hand, a degree of confidence exists that
the findings reported hefe are not exaggerations produced by some sott of
atypical population, that is, nothing peculiar exists about this city’s popu-
lation composition to suggest that an unusual incidence or patterning of
false rape allegations would occur. This city is not a resort/reveling area
or a center attracting a transient population of any kind, attributes that
have been associated with false rape reporting (Wilson, 1978).
The major
culprit in this city may weil be a police agency that seriously records and 90 Kanin
pursues to closure all rape complaints, regardless of their merits. We may
weil be faced with the fact that the most efficient police departments report
the higher incidence of false rape allegations. In view of these factors, per-
haps the most prudent summary statement that is appropriate from these
data is that false rape accusations are not uncommon. Since this effort is
the first at a systematic, long-term, on-site investigation of false rape alle-
gations from a single city, future studies in other cities, with comparable
policies, must assess the representativeness of these findings.
ADDENDA
In 1988, we gained access to the police records of two large Midwest-
ern state universities. With the assistance of the chief investigating officers
for rape offenses, all forcible rape complaints during the past 3 years were
examined. Since the two schools produced a roughly comparable number
of rape complaints and false rape allegations, the false allegation cases were
combined, n = 32. This represents exactly 50% of all forcible rape com-
plaints reported on both campuses. Quite unexpectedly then, we find that
these university women, when filing a rape complaint, were as likely to file
a false as a valid charge. Other reports from university police agencies sup-
port these findings (Jay, 1991).
In both police agencies, the taking of the complaint and the follow-up
investigation was the exclusive responsibility of a ranking female officer.
Neither agency employed the polygraph and neither declared the complaint
false without a recantation of the charge. Most striking is the patterning
of the reasons for the false allegations given by the complainants, a pat-
terning similar to that found for the nonstudent city complainants.
Approximately one half (53%) of the false charges were verbalized as serv-
ing an alibi function. In every case, consensual sexual involvement led to
problems whose solution seemed to be found in the filing of a rape charge.
The complaints motivated by revenge, about 44%, were of the same seem-
ingly trivial and spiteful nature as those encountered by the city police
agency. Only one complainant fell into the attention/sympathy category.
These unanticipated but supportive parallel findings on university popula-
tions suggest that the complications and conflicts of heterosexual involve-
ments are independent of educational level. In fact, we found nothing sub-
stantially different here from those cases encountered by our city police
agency. False Rape Allegations 91
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Multiple False Rape Claims Study Varies from 27% to 70%