Naanak Satheeaa Jaaneeanih J Birehae Chott Marannih
Celebrating the Resolve Of Survivors & Humanity Of Those Who Helped
Summary & the Way Forward
INTRODUCTORY
Next year, 2013, will usher in the 30th anniversary year of the November 1984 killings of thousands of Sikhs, mostly in the Capital city of Delhi right under the nose of the Central Government and the Delhi Administration. The orgy of violence and the manner of its execution will likely remain unparalleled as perhaps one of the most ruthless and deliberate selective killing of a minority group instigated by the ruling political elite of a country in the recent human history.
Sikh expectations about delivery of justice have mostly been belied. This has brought the situation to an almost static position that is not quite easy to read or predict the future.
The purpose of this Article is to explore if while the judicial and other processes wind their way through the various systems, there is any other option that may help alleviate some of the continuing hurt and improve the lay sentiment. The option considered is memorializing as a way to honor those who might have contributed to helping the distressed, blunting the momentum of violence, struggling to seek justice, helping transcend the urges for revenge and save the next generation from bitterness and apathy, and thus, through their acts promoted some level of societal peace and harmony.
THE EVENT
The event was a politically inspired pogrom let loose on Sikh men, women and children in Delhi after the killing in 1984, of Indira Gandhi by two of her Sikh security guards piqued by the Indian army’s assault to clear militants holed up in the Golden Temple complex. Three days of organized mayhem followed in the Indian Capital in which over 3000 Sikhs were killed mercilessly, many with their families helplessly looking on, while Police idly stood by.
Sikhs recall 1984 as the most traumatic year in their recent history. In June, on the day their fifth Guru was martyred, the Indian Army attacked the Golden Temple complex at Amritsar, using helicopters and tanks, to flush out militants holed up in the Temple complex. This was preceded by a sustained media blitz to paint the entire Sikh community as secessionists and unpatriotic militants.
Gurdwaras in various colonies were vandalized or torched. All Sikhs felt insecure – none was safe. In most localities Sikh houses and businesses were marked so that these could be easily identified and selectively attacked by the hoodlums. Mostly the attackers were from outside the localities though in some cases some local elements joined in. Victims identified some of them and a list of individuals is included in the report entitled ‘Who are the Guilty’.
The manner of killing of Sikhs seemed to have been fairly consistent in that the victims were burnt alive by putting a tire around their necks, sprinkling kerosene mixed with a white powder, believed to be phosphorous, and lighting it with a match stick.
THE MISLEADING SEMANTIC TWIST
The political establishment and the state controlled media labeled the event as an anti Sikh riot implying it to be a spontaneous violent outburst against Sikhs arising out of mass anger at their co-religionists killing Indira Gandhi. Misra Commission almost took the cake in underplaying the event as a law and order problem with lower castes looting the wealthy with the complicity of police-criminals-politicians nexus.
Human rights organizations People’s Union for Civil Liberties [PUCL] and the People’s Union for Democratic Rights [PUDR] however opined that ‘far from being spontaneous expressions of madness and grief and anger at Mrs. Gandhi’s assassination as made out by authorities, [it] was rather the outcome of a well organized action marked by acts of both commissions and omissions on the part of important politicians of the Congress (I) at the top and by authorities in the administration.’ Citizens for Democracy stated that the purpose was ‘to arouse – Hindu chauvinism – to consolidate Hindu votes in the election held on December 27, 1984, which was indeed massively won by the Congress (I).’
Report of the Citizen’s Commission observed ‘The disturbances in Delhi — were entirely one sided attacks on members of the Sikh community and their property, often accompanied by arson and murder, rapine and loot —- We have been equally disturbed by the apathy and ambivalence of other political parties — It is a sad commentary — that at the moment of its direst need, political activists should be accused of either active instigation or inexcusable apathy.’
It therefore would seem only reasonable that the notion of the event being a communal riot or an expression of mass societal anger against the Sikhs must be rejected – the most lenient term that may be used to label it would be a ‘pogrom’ – an organized and officially encouraged massacre of a minority group – of Sikhs in locations where they were vulnerable.
A PEEP AT THE BACKGROUND
Sikhs nursed a sense of being victims of and the biggest losers due to partition of the Country. They not only had suffered the highest loss of life and property but they were also separated from some of the most sacred of their holy sites left in Pakistan due to the endemically adverse relations between the two Governments. Another source of Sikh anguish was their failure, during the protracted negotiations preceding the Partition, to secure any tangible gain or assurance about their future in the divided Dominions.
Having cast their lot with India and the Hindus, Sikhs soon started feeling that policies of the Central Government were not likely to answer their expectations. Article 25 of Constitution adopted in 1950 put Sikhs within the Hindu pantheon. In 1956 when most of the Indian States were reorganized on linguistic basis, Punjab was left as is because of the Punjabi Hindus disowning Punjabi as their tongue. After persistent agitations, a Punjabi state was ceded in 1966 but the division left many unresolved issues including non-inclusion of Chandigarh as its Capital town.
The ensuing tense political climate offered the opportunity for Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, the head of Damdami Taksal, to tap into the Sikh discontent. Allegedly planted at the behest of Giani Zail Singh to weaken the SAD, Bhindrawale soon became a challenge for Indira Gandhi who ordered the Indian Army to attack the Golden Temple Complex to capture or neutralize him. The assault made on June 6, 1984 caused destruction of the Akal Takht, killing of Bhindranwale and his main associates as well as an unspecified number of Sikh worshippers and Gurdwara Clerics.
Sikhs the world over were shocked by the attack. The killing of Indira Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards on October 31, 1984, ostensibly piqued at her ordering the army attack on the Golden Temple was tragic but not unexpected and was used to set off a second sequence of mass violence in Delhi, lasting four days and resulting in death of nearly 3,000 Sikhs.
WHO WAS THE OFFENDER?
There is broad agreement among analysts that the pogrom was instigated by the Congress [I] politicians helped in its execution by Delhi police and a section of Hindus. Van Dike [1996] is of the view that the passive stance of Central Government indicates that the pogrom was organized for it by forces that government had created. Looking at the scale of violence that was unleashed in such a short time, Kothari [1985] speculates that the attack might have been planned possibly since Operation Blue Star. Brass [2006] suspects that an institutional riot structure had been readied to be available in Delhi.
The Delhi police was conspicuous by absence or if there, in encouraging and even indulging in violence. The police disarmed Sikhs who tried to protect themselves by force and did not record FIRs after the pogrom. Police vans went around announcing that Sikhs had poisoned the city water supply and that a train had arrived from Punjab full of dead Hindus.
WHO WAS THE VICTIM?
The target was the Sikh community and the objective was to teach them a lesson executed by an abridged version of the doctrine of ‘Shock and Awe’ that draws on experiences of massive, benumbing destruction like at Hiroshima and Nagasaki intended to break the will of those identified as enemy.
The victims were mainly Sikh males in the 20-50 age group. Women were spared though some suffered violence, mainly rape showing the incapacity of Sikh males to protect their women. The survivors were mainly widows, orphans and old people.
The widows burdened with responsibilities for their families form the core of victims but the victims actually are at two levels i.e. Sikhs as a community and those whose near and dear ones came in the way of harm.
SOME BITS OF AFTERMATH & MY SEARCH
In the immediate aftermath of the November pogrom while the Government seemed implicit in the killings, media stood silent and the Nation apathetic, it was some groups of concerned citizens across the religious boundaries who took the courage to launch initial relief efforts and independent investigations into what had transpired. After the initial help of interfaith groups, mostly the Sikh communities, Sikh volunteer groups and Gurdwaras undertook this onerous and long term commitment.
They succeeded only partly – many kids could not cope – they became school drop outs, took to drugs, some committed suicide. Some widows also resorted to suicide to end their misery. In spite of almost three decades of suffering, no one from among the victims’ families is known to have indulged in any act of revenge, rioting, violent crime, hate incident, terrorism or any other socially disruptive or anti social behavior.
I found that Sikligar populations in these communities in Western UP were left untouched possibly because the dominant Tyagi zamindars and Sikligars had a relationship built on mutuality of respective needs – Sikligars needed place to live and the zamindars needed their muscle to control their interests.
As I proceeded with my search, I found in my conversations with the widows that neither had they forgotten nor did they want their children to forget what had happened to them. So while they wanted the memories to survive they did not want their children to be consumed by hate, animosity or a burning impulse for revenge but instead to learn to live with their trauma and remake their lives. They were deeply resentful that neither had any of the prominent organizer s been found guilty nor had they received the compensatory help that they had been promised from time to time by the Government. Peaceful response by them therefore was a deliberate choice, not the result of amends being made by the organizers of the pogrom. The Sikh community seemed to have moved on by putting the problem on the back burner – not forgotten but not just now – kind of attitude.
Story of Surjit Kaur, one of the surviving widows is a saga of cool courage and perseverance in the face of severe adversity and is offered as an example of the experience that the widows of this pogrom went through. Given circumstances of their being rendered widows and how they seem to have borne their losses as well as tried to discharge the responsibilities thrust upon them, it would seem that the satee metaphor is where most of these women would possibly best fit into in the composite of Sikh theology and Sikh experience.
We cannot but admire their tenacity, their grit, their belief in themselves and their Guru that helped them raise their families or what was left of them. In this saga their individual human spirit stands out with healing support provided by Gurdwaras, some committed Sikhs and the mixed communities they lived in – with the legal battles being fought by HS Phoolka helped by Sikh Forum and some. Thus contemplated the role and place of these women as players in this tragic episode acquires a sort of embellishment that we may have never ascribed to them.
PURSUIT OF JUSTICE
Cynicism about the integrity of ruling elite is not new and the lament by Guru Nanak about rajai sinh mukaddam kutai continues to be true. Things have changed a little in recent times with the growth of an aggressive media and some signs of vigilance among citizen activists. A recent helpful development is the verdict by a special court in Ahmedabad that has held 32 people guilty of premeditated violence in the massacre of 99 Muslims in Naroda Patia, in the 2002 BJP led anti Muslim pogrom.
Sikhs would do well to form watchdog groups and organizations that can help pursue justice for the victims of hate, discrimination and violent crime specifically directed for being Sikhs. The Sikh experience post Sep 11 in the US also offers some instructive pointers. Soon after vulnerabilities of Sikhs due to mistaken identity sank in, SALDEF that was primarily a media watchdog group enhanced their legal assistance role. Later United Sikhs and newly formed Sikh Coalition added to legal defense resources. This has facilitated their getting quicker resolution of non violent incidents and some assistance in follow up of violent incidents while advocacy has helped in seeking better enforcement policies and improve awareness about the pervasive Sikh issues.
Sikh advocacy and legal defense organizations have been working in concert with other faith based advocacy groups like the Council on American-Islamic Relations [CAIR] and most of the successes they have had with the Federal Administration arose out of initiatives by CAIR or jointly with them.
Sikh organizations are planning to file a Sikh Genocide Petition before United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights arguing that ‘the intentional and deliberate nature of the attacks on Sikh lives, properties and places of worship during November 1984 makes them crime of Genocide as per Article 2 of the U.N. Convention on Genocide’ and ask to recognize the same as Genocide.
Though the already dim hopes about the outcomes are further clouded by growing cynicism, justice is still worth pursuing if for no other reason than that giving up the effort would be worse than an adverse verdict.
FORGIVE
Societies, especially in the West, have in the more recent past, become liberal enough to sort of celebrate those who forgive thus putting overt and covert pressure on the victims to forgive the offender[s]. There have been some suggestions for the victims of the 84 pogrom and the Sikhs to forgive and forget the event and move on. Acceptance of accountability by the offender is key to the success of these processes. We have a situation where none of the criminals has asked for forgiveness nor is it clear as to from whom forgiveness is expected to come. As for forgiving by the Sikhs as a community, forgiveness for the perpetrators of gruesome, pre-meditated mass murderers of the innocent is better not asked of or expected for the victim communities to give unless the mainstream society as a whole can come together to recognize collectively the accountability of the offenders as a pre-requisite.
FORGET
Given the legacy of abuses that Sikhs have endured and knowing that there are thousands of them who feel that their pain has not been recognized by the government or the mainstream and that the abusers are still roaming free, any advisory to forget is not likely to be accepted by the community. Instead the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators and their being rewarded rather than being held accountable makes not forgetting an imperative for the community.
SEARCHING THE WAY FORWARD
What then is the way forward? The justice route is deeply tainted and at this late stage a token punishment it is not likely to assuage the Sikh hurt. Forgiving can come easily to Sikhs if they sense that it would possibly encourage some move in the direction of abiding societal changes. That does not seem to be the case here for apart from the apology by the PM, there is little evidence that the attitudes towards the Sikhs have changed. The call for forgetting will continue to be a non starter unless Sikhs see some encouraging outcomes in the delivery of justice or the evidence that there is a sense of acceptance of the past wrong-doings against Sikhs by the mainstream and Congress party in particular.
What do we then do? May be we could first try to figure out what it is that we are trying to bring healing to?
Many Sikhs who have lived through the 1947 and 1984 [Punjab & Delhi] episodes tend to see these as a sort of continuum. The 1947 division itself was the cumulative outcome of mistrust between Sikhs and Hindus on one side and Muslims on the other. Sikhs long for freer access to their holy sites in Pakistan – subsumed by weightier issues driving the relations among the neighbors. In a nostalgic turnaround sweeping the Punjabi communities almost globally the cultural legacy of the divide seems now turning into a bond. In the aftermath of the partition Sikh interface with the Indian Muslims has turned into a neutral mode though their strong traditional kinship with Hindus has suffered a setback. For Sikhs memories of 1947 remain of a loss of lives and property and failure to re-craft their future in the emerging political set up – leaving their minds susceptible to envision treachery whenever things go wrong.
The net impact of 1984 Punjab happenings and the Delhi pogrom is that Sikhs are left deeply suspicious that in any high stake political gamesmanship between Akalis in Punjab and the Central Government Sikhs outside Punjab can again be held hostage.
Sikhs living outside of Punjab do see Punjab as a potential safe haven in the event of a repeat of the 1984 type pogrom. Creative answers to the above vulnerabilities have to be found but migration of the type that Sikhs undertook in 1947 to buy freedom from the anxieties of likely oppression by a Muslim majority should be absolutely ruled out.
One remedy is not to be isolated when in isolation by developing a relationship of reciprocity with the local community and the power groups but such relationships are not easy to develop in many settings. Sikhs have also to endeavor that non Sikhs have some understanding of the Sikh issues and the reasons why Sikhs want these redressed. Sikhs realize this and while they seem to be more socially engaged in India, yet it is not clear if the level of empathy for them has increased.
Interfaith engagement today also is being used, especially in the west, to facilitate some level of interaction and coming together of diverse faith groups to address current and imminent areas of societal concern. These networks also help the leaderships in different faith groups to develop relationships that can be helpful in diffusing difficult situations. The process seems to be evolving in India though representation of Sikhs is mostly by the educated class who may have limited reach to influence higher ups in religious authority hierarchy.
Even a limited reflection would point to our need for dialogue with Muslims and Hindus. At a practical level the overall Sikh-Muslim interface in recent past has been relatively free of rancor. Sikh relations with Muslims in India however have been sort of tentative. I do not recall any occasion when Sikhs may have gone out on a limb to defend Muslims against stereotyping in India. The Muslim voices too have been faint when Sikhs were victim. My sense is that we may yet get more support from segments of Hindus. Indian Muslims may turn supportive if they feel more self assured about themselves and may be about us too.
An unintended effect of the Delhi pogrom seems to have been that Delhi Sikhs and DSGMC have come to occupy a greater voice in Sikh affairs. It has also diminished centrality of Punjab politics, Akali political maneuverings and even the affairs of the SGPC and Akal Takht among the dispersed Sikh community. This direction of change could be beneficial to Sikhs in Delhi and elsewhere out of Punjab. In the long run however it may weaken structure of the Sikh religious authority so assiduously cultivated by the SGPC over the years.
BRINGING CLOSURE
Sikhs appear to be more buoyant than they have been in a long time in India. Sikh institutions are multiplying and doing some excellent work. The societal prejudice against them that was widely experienced earlier even by the most liberal Sikhs is at its lowest. The victims and families of 84 pogrom do remember their grim sufferings but their clear priority is to get out of grinding poverty and despondency subsuming their lives. To the Sikh intelligentsia, 1984 events seem a distraction – so have the need for political identity; though they continue to be concerned about Sikh religious identity issues.
On the other hand the influential western Sikh Diaspora would like that we receive justice, an expression of contrition, security for religion, language and culture along with some regional autonomy in a federal setting. Even though there would seem to be some divergence between the memory play and expectations in the Sikh Diaspora and Indian Sikhs, the fact is that the positions are evolving on all sides.
We have discussed at some length the questions relating to pursuit of justice, suggestions to forgive and forget the event and the variety of other factors that may have relevance in the process of making choices. We also argued that the trauma of 84 pogrom impacted all Sikhs though those who suffered loss of life and property constitute the core that have endured the most and have also set some markers that deserve recognition.
At the same time, the event, its memory and the poignancy of relevance of this trauma in our future positioning is receding in our own minds. This is so because the grinding lethargy and obstructive moves by the official machinery have reduced the process to a static position with little movement on unresolved issues, not much spoken about what may have been achieved and no effort by us to showcase any positives that the tragic event or its grueling aftermath may have given rise to.
Looking for and bringing out some positives from this sad and long story would help us as a community to possibly impart some added healing to the long suffering victims. We remain cognizant that it may not be possible to find a way that meets the urges and expectations of each one of us. In cases of injustice or grim tragedy it is hard enough for families and friends to look for the good – the notion seems far more outlandish and difficult when it is sought for communities.
In any case my sense is that there is a possibility that while Sikhs continue with the ongoing pursuit of justice and rehabilitation of the affected families, we may gain by highlighting the positives that we may find and agree to bring to public attention in a concerted and thoughtful manner. For this it may be instructive to draw upon the Sikh experience in the past in coping with trauma and see if that could help in our present search.
MEMORIALIZING
Traditionally what we seem to have been doing is that in difficult and trying times we never avoided or shirked away from facing the oppression that the evil were thrusting upon us. We took it on the chin and bore the atrocities with calm fortitude. We did not give up trying that the dissent gets resolved and continued our struggle. Yet we recognized what we thought was heroic or showed a sign of rare humane values or was in the shared interest of righteousness -we not only highlighted it but also accorded it a durable place to it in our memories in various manners. The positive in the most traumatic situations was never lost on the Gurus or their Sikhs. Let us take a few examples.
On reading Guru Gobind Singh’s Bachitra Natak one does not fail to notice that he is equally praising of valor whether it is by the enemy or the defenders. Witness the lavish praise for Kirpal Chand, the Kangra Chief as a true, valiant Rajput whose bravery was praised in the nine regions of the world – he was ally of Alif Khan. Likewise the Guru praises Hussain, Jujhar Singh, Gopal and so many others for their bravery. His manner of presentation is such as if he is a witness and not a participant to the conflict.
Another example from that period is the act of Bhai Kanhaiya to fetch water to all the fighters on the battle field including the enemy and tend to their wounds, much to the discomfiture of the Sikhs. The Guru however was appreciative of Bhai Kanhaiya’s explanation when asked at the insistence of Sikhs that he saw the image of the Guru in them all – whether friend or foe. Bhai Kanhaiya continues to be revered as the rarest example of altruistic person.
The martyrdom of Guru Arjun strengthened Sikh resolve rather than weaken it. In Guru Hargobind’s time the bards sang the songs of valor in bir ras as the new symbols of aigrette, canopy, sword and chase nurtured their confidence to carve out their own destiny. They did not cave in and took on the mantle of protectors of universal values.
Sikhs have used various facets of memorializing so that the preserved memory assumes an aura of the sacred and thus turns into a powerful expression of survival, renewal and moral victory in the face of extreme adversity. The following extract from the English version of the text of ardas is an example of the succinct manner in which the Sikh trauma from late 17th century to 1947 partition has been capsule as a memory:
‘Meditating on the achievement of the dear and truthful ones, including the five beloved ones, the four sons of the tenth Guru, forty liberated ones, steadfast ones, constant repeaters of the Divine Name, those given to assiduous devotion, those who repeated the Nam, shared their fare with others, ran free kitchen, wielded the sword and overlooked faults and shortcomings, say “Waheguru”, O Khalsa.
Meditating on the achievement of the male and female members of the Khalsa who laid down their lives in the cause of Dharma (religion and righteousness), got their bodies dismembered bit by bit, got their skulls sawn off, got mounted on spiked wheels, got their bodies sawn, made sacrifices in the service of the shrines (Gurdwaras), did not betray their faith, sustained their adherence to the Sikh faith with unshorn hair uptill their last breath, say “Wondrous Destroyer of darkness”, O Khalsa.
O Immortal Being, eternal helper of Thy panth, benevolent Lord, bestow on the Khalsa the beneficence of unobstructed visit to and free management of Nankana Sahib (Pakistan) and other shrines and places of the Guru from which the Panth has been separated.’
We also have used oral media like phrases, verses, lyrics, stories et al to summarily describe traumatic experiences and in many cases to trivialize or even challenge the oppressors to reinforce courage in the community in extremely trying circumstances. Examples are many – dadhi recitals of vaars relating to several Sikh battles and sacrifices, verses jeering at killings of Sikhs by Manu, deg tegh fateh, saakaa[s] about Akali Lehr and the like. Some incidents are remembered using paintings, calendar art and memorabilia associated with the heroes.
Sikhs established Gurdwaras at various sites associated with their trauma. Gurdwara Shahid Ganj and the preserved well in its premises at Lahore speak of the story of the women and children who suffered tortures and gave their lives there. Memorials have been created or are planned at some of the sites of major Sikh battles. Plans to planting of trees and shrubs that grew at the time of Guru Gobind Singh in Machhiwara area are also afoot. Foundation stone for a 30 x 30 feet three-floor memorial within the Golden Temple complex for those killed during the Army assault in June 1984 was unveiled on 6 June, 2012.
Guru Gobind Singh has left us a vivid example of trying to give a chance to the process of reconciliation to resolve interminable cycles of hate and violence to right the injustices and gross violations suffered by Sikhs. Missive called Zafarnama – epistle of victory – that the Guru wrote to Aurangzeb unsparingly memorialized the injustices and treacheries committed by the satraps of the King yet the Guru also offered reconciliation saying: ‘if you were gracious enough to come to the village of Kangar, we could then see each other face to face. On the way there will be no danger to thy life for the whole tribe of Brars accepts my command. Come to me so that we may converse with each other, and I may utter some kind words to thee. I will send thee a horseman like one in a thousand, who will conduct thee, safe to my home.’ [58-61]
We thus see that several approaches have been used by Sikhs to memorialize their history and experienced trauma of persecution, sacrifices made in their struggles and during some of the trying times they lived through.
1984 pogrom should and does inspire a lot of reflection. Yet the memory of the pogrom that has survived is a legacy of fear, humiliation, bitterness and alienation. The best that the most difficult times always bring out in men has stayed obscured by the over-riding need to keep chasing the government inaction and attending the commissions of enquiry and various other charades to mitigate the suffering of the victim families.
A few movies and documentaries dealing with the pogrom such as Amu directed by Shonali Bose and The Widow Colony – India’s Unsettled Settlement directed by Harpreet Kaur have made an attempt at capturing the facets of the trauma that the victims continue to cope with. 1984 Sikhs’ Kristallnacht edited by Parvinder Singh is a powerful documentation of the burning of four Sikhs in Pahar Ganj area of Delhi. Authors of a number of reports and books have documented in detail what transpired undaunted by the enormity of the task and the risk of being marked by the power elite.
These efforts have been commendable. These must be lauded but I am not sure if collectively they can serve the purpose of memorializing in an effective and deserving manner. If we have to think of memorializing this episode, we may have to look a bit far and beyond. Let us look at the US September 11 experience here as an example.
Americans were stunned by the unexpected terror attack on their homeland on September 11, 2001, in which about three thousand people including firefighters, police and rescue workers were killed. It aroused very strong patriotic feelings in the population. The country has waged a terribly expensive and their longest yet military operation in the form of the Global War on Terror and spent billions of dollars to try and ensure that opportunity for launching a similar attack is denied to potential terrorists in the future. The evidence does suggest they have been successful in the latter so far.
To design a fitting memorial to those who died a contest was announced. Victims’ families wanted the winning design to expose more of the tower bedrock and display personal items of the victims while Firefighters and Police wanted names of their fallen comrades set off from others. Both were accommodated in the winning design. It was an open process but significantly the memorial was intended to showcase the shared sense of trauma and the acts of bravery by the Firefighters, Police and other Rescue Personnel in trying to save the others. As will be seen there were two facets to their endeavor – response to offenders and remedies on one part and memorializing the event on the other. Both were linked but had separate sets of objectives and differing methodologies to accomplish the same.
MEMORIALIZE WHAT & HOW
So the question is what kind of memorial do we build? It should be a decision by Sikhs as a community, to the extent possible with the involvement or support of interfaith groups, voluntary agencies who are engaged in promotion of peace and harmony and any receptive media contacts. The best course would be to form a Committee supported by identified volunteer groups for specific tasks and responsibilities. The Committee should be open to receive suggestions and their recommended choices should be looked at by an Advisory Group before being adopted.
Guardians of the memory of November 1984 should primarily be the widows and their kids and their input should be given high consideration. For this purpose they would have to be organized or at least brought together. This responsibility may best be divided between Sikh Forum and Nishkam who have maintained contact with them. The Committee may gather the views and suggestions of the community through meetings or presentations arranged in a few locations. Wider consultations with the community can be accomplished using the electronic media resources.
Our foregoing discussions would possibly trigger some thoughts about what are the types of things that should be memorialized about this episode. We would however offer a few additional comments before we put a suggested listing of what all the memorial could display or provide to serve its purpose of not only becoming a complete and authentic resource on the pogrom, but also recognize all those whose support and co-operation helped the Sikhs at that critical time, identify any sacrifices that must be recognized and highlight any positives that may be attributed to the Sikh conduct during and post the pogrom.
My conversations with the widows lead me to believe that they certainly did not entertain any thought of revenge at any time. Their consistent view was that though the perpetrators were mostly Hindus, they were incited and led by political agents and also some hoodlums. They again were conscious that those who tried to rescue them were mostly Hindus and members of other faiths as were those who provided them immediate support and succor as they were being moved to the relief camps. As time went by most of the heavy lifting was done by the Sikh community but the initial help by and kindness of volunteer activists from other faiths is etched in their minds.
As they slowly started trudging through the daily routines, their resolve received spiritual and ethical strength from the Gurdwaras and Gurbani. They thought of their responsibilities. They thought of the sacrifices made by the Gurus for the well being of one and all. They thought of the message of acceptance of divine will that the Gurus repeatedly stressed. To them trying to keep their children safe and free of hate became their dharma for this was one sure way they could see them adjust to their trauma and live through their deeply scarred lives.
So even as the widows talked about their hurt and did not want the children to forget about it, they also did not want them to become obsessed with hate and vengeance. This may not have ensured that the kids will sense closure – perhaps they did not, nor did the mothers. The kids may have dropped out of school, drifted into depression, took refuge in use of drugs, some committed suicide but none, not one of them ever committed a hate or violent anti social act or crime. The cycle of hate did lose traction. It stopped.
The story lives on today – almost three decades later. If we ponder over it, here was a unique occurrence that happened. I asked them if it was fear that made you do it. Their response was touching and clear. ‘We lost our husbands, fathers, sons in front of our own eyes. We were dishonored and raped. We were left with nothing. There was hardly a pain and suffering that did not befall us. What more could have been done to us? We were left with the kids, the old and the infirm. They had to be cared for.’ Words are mine, the thoughts were theirs.
Let us build a memorial that is a testimony to the collective contribution to societal peace and harmony by a group of deeply scarred, poor, uneducated Sikh women whom fate had dealt an extremely hard blow. They cried. They died several deaths but struggled on only as a Sikh of the Guru would have, to go on living under divine hukam and endeavor ceaselessly to deliver on the responsibilities that are placed on us. It is the making of such choices by a widow that the Guru perhaps had in mind when he said – Satheeaa Eaehi N Aakheean Jo Marriaa Lag Jalannih Naanak Satheeaa Jaaneeanih J Birehae Chott Marannih – call not them ‘satee’, who burn themselves along with their husbands’ corpses; O Nanak know only those as ‘satees’ who live the death of separation.
Let us build a memorial that honors fortitude; that honors the burden of girhee; that honors so many good people around who in ways, big and small, help us get past our most difficult and trying times; that honors the collective strength and resolve of the weak and vulnerable and that recognizes that honor does not only come through great worldly success but also having lived a life that serves whom nobody will own or tend to if abandoned. This could be as great a contribution to the wellbeing of the society as any.
Let the memorial be a place of peace where the sacred music of all persuasions brings a deep sense of calm to all who visit. Let it recount what happened without shame or rancor but in love that only gushes forth when we let our defenses drop and face the truth and reality of the good and bad that we all are capable of. Let us do it so that not again are so many burnt alive, nor are so many children left without fathers, their lives scarred forever. Let us do it inspired by the prayer of the Guru – jagat jalanda raakh lai apni kirpa dhar – pray, save this burning world through thy kind mercy!
Let the memorial we create be a celebration of life, of the shared quest of all for peace and harmony. Located in Delhi it will add luster to the image that Sikhs have inherited here through the great examples set by Guru Harkrishan, Guru Tegh Bahadur, Mata Sundari, the great Misl leaders like Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and Baghel Singh, added to by the builders of the modern New Delhi and the emerging vibrant India.
Let me now do little bit of mechanical detailing for what it is worth – offer some bullets on what the memorial may possibly include:
• A Sikh prayer room
• A Chapel for silent prayer by any faith believer
• Memorial tablet with names of those killed and selected information
• Display of Pogrom: time line, pictures, paintings, books, reports, news clippings, articles, etc – to be digitized later
• Damage to Gurdwaras, loss of property, businesses
• Media reports, articles, pictures from their archives
• Screening room for movies, documentaries, slide shows, power point presentations etc relating to the Pogrom and other activities promoted by the Memorial Committee
• Quest for Justice – commissions, police, CBI, Court Judgments, cases, evidence, affidavits and other materials as judged by those who helped with this effort
• Citizen Help: saving Sikhs by risking ire, citizen enquiries, interviews, affidavits, relief efforts, lobbying with political and administrative authorities
• Display or library of sketches and stories of widows and other survivors who had to take responsibility for family with pictures as possible; data on kids and their growth
• The uniqueness elements: the organized nature of the pogrom, the selection of targets and manner of killing and the peaceful response of widows and the kids
• Memorial a monument to the dead but more a celebration of those who lived on and took the responsibility for their future and those of their dependants. They are the real heroes of this tragic episode.
One more suggestion comes to mid. The trauma about 1984 happenings, more specifically in Amritsar and Delhi, is deeply etched into the Sikh minds globally. Both stories even though dispersed space and time-wise, are historically linked and in some ways get connected during their recall in Sikh memories. It may therefore be worth considering that when the Memorial as discussed above is taken up for execution, the plans include the possibilities of carving out subsets of exhibits whose digitized versions can be assembled into customized packages that can be used for displays at Conferences, in Exhibitions and Galleries and for organized shows anywhere in the world. This would necessitate that the Memorial Secretariat is equipped to perform library functions in addition to their curator role.
EXPECT RESISTANCE
Presently construction work is in hand at Virasat-e-Khalsa memorial project at Anandpur Sahib, Baba Bandha Singh War Memorial at Chhapar Chiri in Mohali, Wadda Galugharsa Memorial at Kup Rahera in Sangrur and Chhota Galughara Memorial in Khanuwan Chamb in Gurdaspur with generous funding support from the State Government. These projects have not drawn the ire of any group in India.
While recounting the efforts for justice under existing laws and seeking of some rehabilitative measures for the victim families may not draw ire, displays about the organized nature of the pogrom and the complicity of political leaders is likely to be strongly resisted by the power elite of most hues in the country because this may likely reflect on them.
I am saying this looking at what happened when the Sikhs formally announced the foundation stone laying of the Gurdwara to memorialize the 1984 attack on the Golden Temple complex by the Indian army. On 6 June, 2012 Sikhs witnessed the five Singh Sahibs unveil the foundation stone for a 30 x 30 feet three-floor memorial for those killed during the Army assault in June 1984.
Intelligence Bureau reported that radical elements like Damdami Taksal and Dal Khalsa were trying to revive the separatist movement and on June 7 the Ministry of Home Affairs wrote to Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal advising action against radical elements behind the setting up of the memorial. Balbir Punj stated that the BJP was opposed to the “politics of memorials”. In a statement in the House on 22 June 2012, Badal said it was felt that this “saka” needed to be commemorated through a symbol of peace and harmony.
While the construction of the memorial at Amritsar is proceeding, the subject has also elicited interest in the foreign media. A story by Jason Burke of The Guardian published on 2 October, 2012 read in the situation that ‘Support for some kind of memorial appears almost universal in Amritsar — Analysts say permission for the memorial, mooted since 2005, was granted after the local ruling party was surprised by widespread protests over the hanging of a jailed Sikh militant this year — there is a new cult status among teenagers of Bhindranwale of a Sikh Che Guevara — A key grievance of the Sikhs is the failure of the government to punish those responsible for the attack on the Golden Temple, the mob violence or abuses by security forces during the insurgency.’ So while the debate continues, some incidents can be used to speculate about the rising specter of Sikh militancy. A word of caution here for Sikhs – stay watchful about a repeat of Oak Creek in India for the media frenzy and stereotyping of Sikhs, when an incident like the attack on Lt. Gen. K S Brar happens, can easily whip up uncontrollable anti-Sikh hate in some.
After Brar questioned the Centre’s silence over the issue of memorial being built in Golden Temple complex, some within the government started to strongly advocate that hardliners would use the memorial to keep the memories of 1980s alive among the youth. Even though a team sent by central government was told that the new structure would be a ‘gurudwara’ and also informed by the state authorities that no name or photograph of any person killed during Operation Blue Star by the Army would be written on any wall of the proposed `gurudwara’, a senior home ministry official cautioned the state government as well as the SGPC on 13 October, 2012 about the provisions of the Religious Institutions (Prevention of Misuse) Act, 1988, that prohibits any act which promotes or attempt to promote disharmony or feeling of enmity, hatred or ill-will in society and has a provision for imprisonment up to five years with fine, if the managers of the religious institutions violate the law. The official said, “The onus of misuse, if any, squarely falls on the SGPC if it allows the memorial to be erected to glorify those who took law into their hands and killed many innocent people”.
CONCLUDING
There will be resistance from many and possibilities of many bogies being created cannot be ruled out. Yet it can be hoped that if the project is launched with the involvement of interfaith groups and social activists, many voices in support of the mission will also arise. If that is accomplished, it may indeed bring some kind of closure in the same way as memorializing did in the past after even more gruesome occurrences.
Here it may be relevant to quote what Barack Obama said on visiting the concentration camp at the Buchenwald in Germany: ‘we must reject the false comfort that others’ suffering is not our problem — It is up to us to bear witness; to ensure that the world continues to note what happened here; to remember all those who survived and all those who perished, and to remember them not just as victims, but also as individuals who hoped and loved and dreamed just like us.’
The memorial should be an abiding recognition of the innocent who were killed, an inspiring reminder of the struggle that the affected families lived through guided mainly by the frail widows and honor the fortitude of these real victims of the event and heroes of this long, sad story. The good in those who helped the victims must be recognized. The story of the pogrom and within that the story of these women must be told and its memory preserved.
Nirmal Singh,
New Cumberland, PA
Camp New Delhi
21 September, 2012
Edited: 13/10/12