2015-08-05



Cynics suggest that President Muhammadu Buhari’s visit to the United States of America recently was merely a photo op, done to seek America’s endorsement. They argue that America couldn’t have abandoned her national interest to molly cuddle Nigeria; thus, the bare knuckles and gloved fists Buhari got.

Answering Christiane Amampour, the CNN’s grill mistress, Buhari said, “I wouldn’t say I was disappointed that President Obama did not choose to visit Nigeria (during his recent trip to Africa). I wish he would change his mind, and come to Nigeria. I asked him to come and would send a formal invitation.”

A shopping list released ahead of Buhari’s trip included: Measures to intensify bilateral and international cooperation against terrorism in Nigeria and West Africa; military and defence cooperation between Nigeria and America; and support for war against corruption.

Also, Buhari promised America’s Chamber of Commerce and Corporate Council on Africa to continue, with improved “moral architecture,” former President Goodluck Jonathan’s privatisation programme. He pledged an enabling environment for investors in telecommunications, energy, gas, solid minerals, and aviation sectors, and to simplify visa procedures “based on the principle of reciprocity.”

He made a sales pitch: “We are the most populous nation with the largest market in Africa, with vast human and natural resources, and blessed with abundant young skilled workers. We are therefore a proud candidate to become the destination of choice for the United States investor in Africa.”

After a flurry of contrived courtesies, America only promised to help Nigeria “check insurgency, train and equip (Nigeria’s) military, and recover money siphoned out of the Federal Government coffers.” The US Congress appears dead set against America selling arms to Nigeria.

The Congress said, “Providing arms to a military that is actively committing human rights violence against unarmed civilians is at odds with the US foreign policy goals,” and vowed, “No US origin weaponry will be sold or given to Nigeria. Rather, the US will provide Nigeria with operational intelligence, and special operations training.”

The US Foreign Military Financing programme won’t be available to Nigeria’s military; the US government won’t favour the United Nations resolution to arm Nigeria. A frustrated Buhari blurted, at a meeting with the US Institute for Peace, that America would have blood on its hands for baulking to sell arms to Nigeria because of “uncertified accusations of military abuse.”

Buhari laments that “blanket application of the Leahy Law by the US on the grounds of unproved allegations of human rights violations against our forces has denied us access to appropriate strategic weapons to prosecute the war against insurgents.”

Senator Patrick Leahy, for whom the law is named, countered: “It is well-documented by (America’s) State Department, and by respected human rights organisations (like Amnesty International), that Nigeria’s army personnel… engaged in a pattern and practice of gross violations of human rights against the Nigerian people and others – (in) summary execution of prisoners, indiscriminate violence against civilians, torture, forced disappearances and rape.”

Leahy homes in: “Rarely have the perpetrators been prosecuted or punished. This abusive conduct not only violates the laws of war, it creates fear, and loathing among the Nigerian people whose support is necessary to defeat… Boko Haram.”

He reminds Buhari “that most Nigerian army units have been approved, under the Leahy Law, for the US training and equipment,” and advises he should “direct his attention to the Nigerian military, the Nigerian courts, and clean up the atrocities, instead of blaming America for not wanting to help fight against Boko Haram.” Buhari claims his comments were misinterpreted.

Obviously, Leahy has no consoling words for the recently retired Nigerian Chief of Defence Staff, Air Chief Marshal Alex Badeh, who led a “military that lacked relevant equipment and motivation to fight (Boko Haram),” because “certain countries denied us weapons to prosecute the way.”

And Buhari must debrief Badeh to know “the fifth columnists in the military, and other security agencies, who leaked operational plans and other sensitive military information to the terrorists,” and caused unnecessary death of comrades.

In setting Buhari up for a $2.1bn World Bank loan, America’s President Obama and Vice-President Joe Biden suggested socio-economic programmes in addition to military actions against Boko Haram. The loan, with a 10-year moratorium, attracts below capital market interest rate for additional 30 years.

The loan will help rebuild infrastructure and resettle Internally Displaced Persons in the war-torn North-East communities. But why did America, that still buys Saudi Arabia’s crude, orchestrate this loan instead of buying Nigeria’s crude? Pioneer economist, Adam Smith, answers: “(The) vile maxim of the masters of mankind (say it must be) all for ourselves, and nothing for other people.”

Viscount Lord Palmerston, a two-time Prime Minister to British Queen Victoria, once declared: “Britain has no eternal allies and no perpetual enemies, only interests that were eternal and perpetual.” A former American Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, tweaked this to mean “America has no permanent friends or permanent enemies; only permanent interests.”

It is to this end that legendary international politics scholar, Hans Morgenthau, argues, on the side of realism, that a nation’s interest differs from moral or legal viewpoints; a good foreign policy minimises risks, maximises benefits, and does not confuse the national aspirations with moral laws. Nigeria, smell the coffee!

In creating the Millennium Challenge Corporation to combat “poverty, sexual discrimination, hunger, primary education, child mortality, the environment, and disease” in developing countries in 2002, America’s President George Walker Bush declared, “I carry this commitment in my soul.”

By 2005, Bush compromised the $10bn budget; the corporation erased his grand declaration from its website; and the corporation’s head resigned in frustration. Finally, John Bolton, Bush’s ambassador to the United Nations, deleted the phrase “Millennium Development Goals” from the corporation’s enabling document.

Yes, America conceded $300m World Health Organisation malaria immunisation; Bill Gates & Melinda Gates Foundation partnership with Dangote Foundation to eradicate polio by 2017; $1bn US Trade Development Agency Memorandum of Understanding grant to train 100 employees of the proposed Dangote Group refinery; and a promise to invoke the 1985 Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty to recover Nigeria’s stolen funds.

But America also extracted the dusting up of the nearly forgotten, but extant, extradition treaty binding both countries as former British colonies. Nigerians who thought they had dodged Uncle Sam’s call to restitution for drug-related offences may be answering to American sheriffs soon.

You’ve had it said, “Go West, young man.” Nigeria may have to look to the East-to Russia for arms and China for loans. The New Development Bank was launched by the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) nations, as the ink dried on the World Bank loan that Buhari was conned to accept.

In a veiled reference to the World Bank, the NDB promised to respond better than other multilateral financial institutions. If you exclude South Africa, BRICS nations make up 40 per cent of the world’s population; occupy 25 per cent of the world’s land area; and generate 25 per cent of the world’s Gross Domestic Product.

If Nigeria joins the BRICS nation to form BRINCS, Buhari could return World Bank President, Dr. Jim Yong Kim’s cheque, to join the first beneficiaries of the NDB loan come April 2016. This possibility may have prompted the US Congressman, Darrel Issa’s announcement that “the process has begun to lift restrictions” on arms sales to Nigeria. Truly, Kissinger’s take on permanent interests is a multidirectional swivel chair.

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