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The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham, Chief Justice
‘Some thoughts on the Constitution
of Ireland at 75’
UCD Constitutional Studies Group
UCD School of Law
Conference on ‘The Irish Constitution: Past, Present and Future’
Royal Irish Academy, Dawson Street, Dublin
28 June 2012
With research assistance by Richard McNamara, BCL, LLM (NUI), Solicitor
Executive Legal Officer to the Chief Justice
INTRODUCTION
Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a great pleasure to be with you today.1
I would like to compliment the UCD Constitutional Studies Group for organising this
timely conference on ‘The Irish Constitution: Past, Present and Future’ to mark the 75th
anniversary of the enactment of the Constitution.
In the coming days, distinguished speakers from at home and abroad will participate in
the conference, and we look forward to hearing their insights into the Constitution and
constitutionalism generally.
I am delighted to meet Professor Pettit, the Laurance S Rockefeller University Professor
of Politics and Human Values at Princeton University and a distinguished native of
Ballygar, County Galway. We welcome you home and look forward to hearing from you
on classical republican theory, and its influence on the Constitution.
Ireland is a constitutional democracy and a republic. Article 6.1 of Bunreacht na
hÉireann states in unequivocal terms that all powers of government come from the
people. It may not be as old as the Constitution of the United States but it was a long
time in the making, considering the many attempts to achieve Irish freedom over the
centuries. The role of the United Irishmen in the 1790s, on which Professor Pettit has
written and spoken, is a notable example.2 Their quest for liberty was pursued by the
following generations. The Constitution was the first free constitution on which the Irish
1. Grateful thanks are expressed to the staff of UCD Archives for their assistance in facilitating
access to the papers of Éamon de Valera and Maurice Moynihan concerning the drafting of the
Constitution; and to Professor Fergus Kelly, School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for
Advanced Studies for his guidance on Brehon law.
2. Pettit, ‘The Tree of Liberty – Republicanism: American, French and Irish’ Field Day Review
2005 based on a lecture given at The Notre Dame Irish Studies Seminar in 2004.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
4
people had the opportunity to give their assent, and its enactment in 1937 is an
important historical event in the life of the nation.
As our basic law there is much to appreciate in the Constitution of Ireland. Three
quarters of a century is a milestone to be acknowledged and celebrated.
OUTLINE OF PAPER
In this paper, I will discuss the following topics, along the lines of the conference theme
of Past, Present and Future:
The Past
• Bunreacht na hÉireann – a prescient Constitution.
• Acknowledging the Drafters of the Constitution.
• Reasons for a new Constitution.
The Present
• Fundamental rights.
• Dignity of the person.
• Aspects of Brehon Law.
• Judicial review.
• European echoes.
• Constitutional Court.
The Future
• An omission.
• For consideration.
• Conclusion.
THE PAST
Bunreacht na hÉireann – a prescient Constitution
This coming Sunday will be 1 July. On that day, seventy five years ago, the people of
Ireland eligible to vote, made their way to the polling booths for the 1937 General
Election and the plebiscite on the draft Constitution of Ireland. They represented the
generation of our parents and grandparents who had witnessed the developing struggle
to achieve independence.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
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At this time an increasing sense of despair descended across continental Europe. Many
countries were experiencing suffering and hardship during the Great Depression. The
year 1937 witnessed the Spanish Civil War in full flight. The Gestapo was arresting
people who dared to speak out against the Nazi regime, while Hitler was planning his
invasion of neighbouring countries.3 Mussolini’s Italy was withdrawn as a member of
the League of Nations. Stalin ruled over the Soviet Union. Alignments were being made
in advance of World War II. In this political climate human rights were not a priority.
Against this backdrop, our young country, on the edge of Europe, was in the process of
enacting a Basic Law which propounded legally enforceable rights, and imposed upon
the State the obligation to guarantee and to defend those rights. Instead of dictatorship,
the Irish people had the opportunity to cast their ballots for their representatives of
choice, and could give their verdict on the Draft Constitution. The late Walsh J, writing
extra-judicially, described this as ‘quite startling’ and stated that the Constitution:
‘[i]s not simply a composition of exhortations or aspirations which it is hoped will
be followed. It is the basic law which distributes powers and imposes obligations
and guarantees rights and which binds the People together with the strongest of
moral and legal chains.’4
And a US constitutional law scholar has written that:
‘It is, perhaps, an anomaly that a small, relatively poor country off the coast of
continental Europe, for centuries subjugated politically by a more powerful
neighbour, has become, in a number of respects, a microcosm for assessing the
future of constitutionalism around the world.’5
When looking backwards to historic events from today’s vantage point there can be a
tendency to do so wearing rose-tinted glasses. The events of yesteryear cannot
necessarily be judged by the standards of today. There is also a risk of sounding perhaps
a little self-congratulatory when praising something of Irish origin, even the
Constitution. However, I do believe that there is much to admire in the Constitution, to
even be ‘startled’ by, when one ponders many of its innovations created in the midst of
1930s Europe. For this reason the document is a prescient Constitution. Before looking
at some examples of this prescience, as Chief Justice on this the 75th anniversary of our
Constitution, I want to acknowledge the drafters of the Constitution.
Acknowledging the Drafters of the Constitution
One is struck how in other jurisdictions, such as the United States of America and
Australia, that much is known about the framers of the constitutions and the process
3. See sermon of Martin Niemöller, ‘The oppression is growing’ delivered at his church in Dahlem,
Berlin on 27 June 1937 published in MacArthur (ed) Speeches of the Twentieth Century (Penguin
Books, 1999), p 164–166.
4. Walsh J writing extra-judicially in Casey, Constitutional Law in Ireland (Sweet & Maxwell,
1987), pp vii–viii.
5. Beytagh, Constitutionalism in Contemporary Ireland: An American Perspective (Round Hall,
Sweet & Maxwell, 1996), p x.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
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which led to the formation of the founding document. This in turn has led to fascinating
scholarship of interest to historians and lawyers alike. Until fairly recent times, it was
commonly believed that Bunreacht na hÉireann was largely the work of Éamon de
Valera. The ground breaking research of historians and legal historians including
Professor Dermot Keogh, Dr Andrew McCarthy and the Hon Mr Justice Gerard Hogan,
has yielded a virtual treasure trove of original documents surrounding the drafting
process and has shed light on the reality.6
Éamon de Valera handpicked a small group of advisers to be members of the
Constitution Committee. The Committee began meeting in May, 1934. They examined
the 1922 Constitution article by article and concluded that its final report should take
the form of a new Constitution. They were knowledgeable on matters of law and
constitutions; they were men of culture, with an internationalist view of the world.7 They
were public servants of outstanding calibre. Today these men are little known to the
public. The main participants were:
• Mr John J Hearne, Legal Advisor, Department of External Affairs.
• Mr Philip O’Donoghue, Legal Assistant to the Attorney General.
• Mr Michael McDunphy, Assistant Secretary, Department of the President of the
Executive Council.
• Mr Stephen Anselm Roche, Secretary of the Department of Justice.
Mr John J Hearne (1893–1969)
Mr Hearne has been described as the ‘author’ of the Constitution. Indeed, I recently read
a report in a local newspaper in which one commentator described him as Ireland’s very
own Thomas Jefferson.8
6. Keogh and McCarthy, The Making of the Irish Constitution 1937 (Mercier Press, 2007) and
Hogan, The Origins of the Irish Constitution, 1928–1941 (Royal Irish Academy, 2012).
7. As evidenced by the inclusion of Article 29 of the Constitution. On this point see comments of
O’Donnell J in Nottinghamshire County Council v B [2011] IESC 48 at para 65. Mr de Valera
acted as his own Minister for External Affairs and on being elected to office in 1932 was the
Representative of the Irish Free State which held the Presidency of the League of Nations
Council in 1932. He was President of the League of Nations Assembly in 1938. One historian has
commented that ‘[t]he League of Nations involvement was not just significant as an exercise in
nation-building, but also provided an opportunity to go beyond the constraints (and presumably,
sometimes the tedium) of Anglo-Irish relations, or as Deirdre McMahon put it more bluntly, the
League of Nations offered an escape from “the constitutional navel-gazing of the Imperial
conferences and more exciting opportunities for a new, small state”’. See Ferriter, Judging Dev
(Royal Irish Academy, 2007), p 129 and McMahon, ‘Ireland, the Empire and the
Commonwealth’ in Kenny (ed) Ireland and the British Empire (Oxford University Press, 2004),
pp 208–212.
8. This description is attributed to Dr Michael Kennedy, historian and Executive Editor of Royal
Irish Academy’s Documents on Irish Foreign Policy cited in ‘Waterford honours famous diplomat
John Hearne’, Waterford News & Star, 22 June 2007.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
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He was born in 1893 at 8 William Street (now known as Lombard Street) in Waterford
City, which is just off ‘The Mall’, beyond Reginald’s Tower. His father Richard was a
boot manufacturer and served twice as Mayor of the City between 1902 and 1903. He
attended Waterpark Christian Brothers School and obtained the degrees of BA and LLB
from the National University of Ireland in Dublin. He spent some time in St Patrick’s
College, Maynooth training for the priesthood. However, he left to study for the Bar at
King’s Inns. He was auditor of the Law Students’ Debating Society of Ireland during
1919–1920. He was called to the Bar in 1919 and served as assistant parliamentary
draftsman from 1923 to 1929. In 1926, he was technical adviser to the Irish delegation at
the Imperial Conference held in London. He was Legal Adviser to the Department of
External Affairs from 1929 to 1939, and played an important role for Ireland at
international conferences in the 1930s, such as the International Labour Conference, the
Hague Conference on International Law, the Disarmament Conference, and sessions of
the League of Nations.
On winning the 1932 election, Éamon de Valera became President of the Executive
Council and decided to act also as Minister for External Affairs. In this role he saw at
firsthand the skills of Mr Hearne. We know that he was assigned the task of drafting a
number of constitutionally significant bills, such as that to remove the oath of
allegiance.9 A fellow civil servant, Mr Maurice Moynihan, recalled that when Mr
Hearne produced drafts of bills he included notes regarding the constitutional
implications of their introduction. Mr Moynihan was of the view that in this way, Mr
Hearne was ‘pointing out the need for a new Constitution if these Bills were
introduced’.10
In 1939 he was called to the Inner Bar in recognition of his work on the Constitution.
Mr Hearne went on to serve as a diplomat and represented Ireland in Ottawa and
Washington until his retirement in the 1960s. In retirement he provided legislative
advice to the governments of Ghana and Nigeria.
On 5 May 2007, a plaque was unveiled in his honour by the Mayor of Waterford,
representing the City Council, and the Waterford Civic Trust, at his birthplace, to mark
the 70th anniversary of the enactment of the Constitution. It reads in both Irish and
English that:
‘John J Hearne 1893–1969 Architect of the 1937 Irish Constitution and first Irish
Ambassador to the United States 1950–1960 was born here.’
On 29 December 1937, the date on which the Draft Constitution came into operation or
‘Constitution Day’, Éamon de Valera dedicated a copy of the Draft Constitution to John
Hearne. It reads as follows:
‘To Mr John Hearne, Barrister at Law Legal adviser to the Department of External
Affairs Architect in Chief and Draftsman of this Constitution, as a Souvenir of the
9. Constitution (Removal of Oath) Act 1933.
10. Moynihan (ed) Speeches and Statements by Éamon de Valera 1917–73 (Gill & Macmillan, 1980),
p 237.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
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successful issue of his work and in testimony of the fundamental part he took in
framing this the first Free Constitution of the Irish People Éamon de Valéra
Constitution Day 29.XII.37.’
Mr (Patrick) Philip O’Donoghue (1896–1987)
Mr O’Donoghue hailed from Macroom. Co Cork, where his father was the local
dispensary doctor. He was educated at Castleknock College and University College
Cork where he was awarded a first class honours degree in legal and political science.
He attended King’s Inns from 1917 to 1919. He won the Fitzgibbon medal for legal
practice in the 1917–1918 session and won the O’Hagan prize in each year he read for
the Bar.
At King’s Inns he became a lifelong friend of John Hearne. During student days they
shared ‘dig’ together and were both called to the Bar in 1919. He began his legal career
on the Munster Circuit in 1919. In 1922 he was appointed a District Justice in Limerick.
In 1929 he was appointed Legal Assistant to the then Attorney General, John A
Costello. He served twelve attorneys general and retired in 1959. In 1965 he was
appointed to the European Commission of Human Rights and became Judge of the
Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg in 1971 and served until 1980.
He was also called to the Inner Bar in 1939, with John Hearne, in recognition of his
work in drafting the Constitution.
Michael McDunphy (1890–1971)
Mr McDunphy was educated in North Richmond Street Christian Brothers School,
Dublin. He trained as a barrister and joined the public service in 1911. He was dismissed
in 1918 for refusing to take the oath of allegiance, which civil servants were required to
take at the time. He was Assistant Secretary to the Provisional Government between
January and December 1922. He was reinstated in the civil service in 1922 and served as
Assistant Secretary in the Department of the President of the Executive Council, and, for
two periods, Secretary to the Government until 1937. When the Constitution came into
effect in 1937, he was appointed the first Secretary to the President and Clerk to the
Council of State. He retired in 1954. He was director of the Bureau of Military History
from its inception in 1947 until 1957.
Mr Stephen Anselm Roche (1890–1949)
Mr Roche was born in Cahirciveen, Co Kerry and was educated at Blackrock College,
Dublin where he distinguished himself as a gifted student of English. He joined the civil
service in 1909 and was awarded the degrees of BA and LLB from Trinity College
Dublin in 1914. He served for a short time in Edinburgh and was then transferred to the
estate duty office in Dublin. In 1922, he was one of a small group of administrative
officers who were chosen to staff the newly created Ministry of Home Affairs under
Kevin O’Higgins. He became Acting Secretary in 1930 and then Secretary of the
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
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Department of Justice in 1934 until 1949. He was responsible for all the Courts of
Justice Acts, with the exception of the 1924 Act, as well as the Juries Act.
Others involved
Apart from this four member Committee, others who were involved in the process by
providing legal advice were Patrick Gregory Lynch (1866–1947) who was Attorney
General at the time, Arthur Matheson (1878–1946) who was the first Parliamentary
Draftsman of the Irish Free State, Hugh Kennedy (1879–1936) who was Chief Justice
between 1924 and 1936, and Maurice Moynihan.11
Maurice Moynihan (1902–1999)
Mr Moynihan was appointed Secretary to the Government on 1 March 1937. He became
heavily involved in the drafting process in 1937. He had a particular role in drafting the
Irish language text of the Constitution. He was born in Tralee and educated by the local
Christian Brothers. He earned a first class honours degree in commerce from University
College Cork and became a civil servant in 1925, entering the Department of Finance.
At just 34 he was appointed Secretary to the Government. He held this post until 1960
and was appointed Governor of the Central Bank. His obituary described him as ‘one of
the greatest civil servants in the history of the State’.
His papers held at UCD Archives show the commitment of Mr Moynihan to his work.
The notes of his involvement in the drafting Committee during 1937 are illuminating in
terms of the sheer dedication which it took to complete the final version of the Draft
Constitution. For example, he noted of his time that:
‘worked until end April, without break, some of sittings lasting until midnight or
later.’
It is right and proper that we give these men due recognition for their dedication in
creating our constitutional text.
Reasons for a new Constitution
In notes written in 1949, Maurice Moynihan stated that ‘at what stage the idea of a
completely new Constitution crystallised in Mr de Valera’s mind is not clear’. However,
it appears that Éamon de Valera viewed the Constitution of the Irish Free State 1922 as
having been ‘forced upon the people’.12 Mr Moynihan’s papers include a speech of
11. For more on the work of Arthur Matheson as the first Parliamentary Counsel of Saorstát Éireann
see Hunt, ‘The Origins of the Office of the Parliamentary Draftsman in Ireland’ Statute Law
Review (2005) 26(3) at 171 and Mooney ‘The work of the Office of the Parliamentary Counsel to
the Government in Ireland’ Statute Law Review (2001) 22(3) at 163.
12. Dáil Debates, Vol 52, Col 1, 249 17 May 1934.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
10
Éamon de Valera which he delivered at Arbour Hill during Easter Week 1933 where he
emphasised the sovereignty of the Irish people and hinted at constitutional change:
‘... let it be made clear that we yield no willing assent to any form or symbol that is
out of keeping with Ireland’s right as a sovereign nation.
Let us remove these forms one by one so that this State that we control may be a
Republic in fact; and that, when the time comes, the proclaiming of a Republic
may involve more than a ceremony, the formal confirmation of a status already
attained.’13
When Fianna Fáil formed a Government in 1932, Éamon de Valera advanced his
concept of ‘external association’. Professor Keogh and Dr McCarthy describe this
concept as:
‘an advanced constitutional conceptualisation capable of facilitating a sovereign
republic associating voluntarily with the British government.’14
The external association formula involved:
• removal of the oath of allegiance to the British monarch sworn by members of
Dáil Éireann and the Senate;15
• abolition of the right of appeal to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in
London;16
• abolition of all references to the King in the 1922 constitution, particularly in the
wake of the abdication crisis of 1936;
• abolition of the post of Governor-General, representative of the British monarch
in Ireland.17
13. 23 April 1933. Mr de Valera continued to note that to the leaders of Easter week the Republic
meant more than a form of government and more than an independent Ireland. They were
concerned for ‘equal rights and equal opportunities’. He said that ‘Ireland must mean for us not
merely a combination of chemical elements, but the living people of our own country. We must
be prepared, in the words of the proclamation to “cherish all the children of the nation equally”.
We must, too, make ourselves oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien
Government and hearken resolutely to Tone’s exhortation to “abolish the memory of all past
dissensions”’.
14. Keogh and McCarthy, The Making of the Irish Constitution 1937 (Mercier Press, 2007), p 41.
15. Constitution (Removal of Oath) Act 1933.
16. Constitution (Amendment No 22) Act 1933. It is interesting to note that the Privy Council
endorsed the right of the self-governing Dominion states to legislate for the ending of appeals to
the Privy Council in the Irish case of Moore v The Attorney General of the Irish Free State [1935]
1 IR 472, [1935] AC 484 (PC). The Council held that the Dominions were entitled to do so by
virtue of the Statute of Westminster 1931.
17. Constitution (Amendment No 27) Act 1936 and the Executive Powers (Consequential Provisions)
Act 1937 which completed the abolition of the office of Governor-General. The Executive
Authority (External Relations) Act 1936 was further required to give effect to Edward VIII’s
abdication as King in Ireland and to regulate Ireland’s diplomatic relationship with other nations
and the by now minimal role of the British monarch in Ireland’s external affairs.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
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During the course of a Dáil debate in May 1936, Éamon de Valera spoke of his plans for
a new constitution. He stated that:
‘I assure everybody, both here and those outside who may read the report of this
debate, that the one desire of the Government is to get for our State a Constitution
which will deserve respect and that will get respect. We want the help of
everybody who has views on the matter’.18
Professor John A Murphy points out that the driving concept behind Bunreacht na
hÉireann is that of sovereignty.19 Indeed, having read the de Valera papers what struck
him was ‘the almost pedantic preoccupation of the architects of the Constitution with
the concept of sovereignty’.20 Éamon de Valera, as a critic of the Treaty, viewed it as a
usurpation of the sovereignty of the Irish People. The Treaty negotiators and their
supporters saw it as a stepping stone to a Republic, and, as Professor Murphy notes,
despite the monarchical trappings, expressed the essential autonomy of the Irish Free
State.21
The 1937 Constitution clearly recognises the supreme authority of the people, and not
the dominance of the State over its citizens.22 Professor Murphy has made the point that
amid the fascistic and dictatorial climate of so much of 1930s Europe Éamon de Valera
did not carve out an authoritarian power base for himself. Rather it bore witness to his
commitment to liberal democratic principles and to British parliamentary heritage.23
The Dáil approved the draft Constitution by sixty-two votes to forty-eight on 14 June
1937. This was the same day that the Imperial Conference began in London, with
Ireland unrepresented. Such a coincidence was described as being designed ‘to
precipitate the fullest surprise from all quarters and create the widest discussion’.24
18. Dáil Debates, Vol 62, Col 1, 343 28 May 1936.
19. Murphy, ‘The 1937 Constitution-Some Historical Reflections’ in Murphy and Twomey (eds)
Ireland’s Evolving Constitution 1937–1997 (Hart Publishing, 1998), p 12.
20. Murphy, ‘The 1937 Constitution-Some Historical Reflections’ in Murphy and Twomey (eds)
Ireland’s Evolving Constitution 1937–1997 (Hart Publishing, 1998), p 16.
21. Murphy, ‘The 1937 Constitution-Some Historical Reflections’ in Murphy and Twomey (eds)
Ireland’s Evolving Constitution 1937–1997 (Hart Publishing, 1998), p 16, footnote 16. For
example the Cumann na nGaedheal Government of the Irish Free State championed the
independence of the Dominions at Imperial Conferences between 1926 and 1929. In 1924,
despite strong British protest, the Anglo-Irish Agreement 1921 was registered with the Treaty
registration bureau of the League of Nations. See also Keogh and McCarthy The Making of the
Irish Constitution (Cork, 2007), p 41.
22. Article 6.1 of the Constitution of Ireland 1937.
23. Murphy, ‘The 1937 Constitution-Some Historical Reflections’ in Murphy and Twomey (eds)
Ireland’s Evolving Constitution 1937–1997 (Hart Publishing, 1998), p 13. Professor Murphy
states that these principles are exemplified by Articles 15–28 regarding the organs of government
and parliament as well as Article 40 regarding personal rights.
24. Attributed to Alvin Owsley, US Minister (Ambassador) in Dublin in the ‘Dixon Memoirs’ quoted
in Mahon, Republicans and Imperialists: Anglo-Irish Relations in the 1930’s (Yale University
Press, 1984), p 220.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
12
Following public debate in May and June of 1937, the people were asked the question on
1 July 1937:
‘Do you approve of this draft constitution which is the subject of this plebiscite?’
Professor Sinnott notes that there was a turnout of 75% with the plebiscite being carried
by 685,105 to 526,945 (57% of voters saying ‘yes’ and 43% ‘no’) while the spoiled
votes amounted to an extraordinary 134,157 (10%).25 The plebiscite was held on the
same day as a General Election and the governing party Fianna Fáil who proposed the
Constitution won 45% of the vote.
Apparently Éamon de Valera was disappointed by the less than overwhelming
endorsement of the Constitution, blaming himself for not ensuring that there was
‘sufficient opportunity, in the rural districts especially, for its meanings to penetrate into
the minds of the average person in Ireland’.26
THE PRESENT
The prescience of the Constitution today is best illustrated by a number of examples.
Fundamental Rights
Five of the fifty articles of the Constitution are devoted to fundamental rights. I have
stated previously that the Constitution was ahead of its time.
‘Many of the principles set out in the Constitution of 1937 were ahead of their
time. It was a prescient Constitution. Thus, the Constitution protected
fundamental rights, fair procedures, and gave to the Superior Courts the role of
guarding the Constitution to the extent of expressly enabling the courts to
determine the validity of a law having regard to the provisions of the Constitution.
Over the succeeding decades international instruments, such as the United Nations
Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, proclaimed fundamental
rights and fair procedures, and it became established that in a democratic state
constitutional courts should have the power to protect fundamental rights,
including due process, even to the extent of declaring legislation to be inconsistent
with the Constitution and to be null and void.’27
What then were the influences on the drafters of the Constitution in terms of their
understanding of rights?
(i) Sources of inspiration
The Constitution of Saorstát Éireann 1922 included articles on fundamental rights,
which represented a radical break from classical English constitutional doctrine as
25. Sinnott, Irish Voters Decide: Voting Behaviour in Elections and Referendum since 1918
(Manchester University Press, 1995), p 200–201.
26. Mahon, Republicans and Imperialists: Anglo-Irish Relations in the 1930’s (Yale University
Press, 1984), p 221.
27. A v Governor of Arbour Hill Prison [2006] 4 IR 88 at 145–146.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
13
enunciated by Blackstone and Dicey.28 The drafters would have been conscious of the
United States Declaration of Independence (1776), which recognized that mankind is
endowed with certain unalienable rights, which include ‘Life, Liberty and the pursuit of
Happiness’.29 They would also have been aware of the French revolutionaries and the
natural law theory contained in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen
(1789).30 The United States Bill of Rights (1791), which amended the US Constitution
and guaranteed certain rights, would perhaps also have been an influence.31
The French and American revolutions were the catalyst for the rebellion of the United
Irishmen in 1798. Independence, tolerance, the unity of people, catholic, protestant and
dissenter; liberty, equality and democracy, were the ideals that inspired the United
Irishmen. Thereafter the ideals of Theobald Wolfe Tone and Robert Emmet remained in
the national zeitgeist.
The contents of certain documents played a central role in the drafting of the
Constitution. On the ‘squared paper draft’ of the draft heads of a Constitution, as drawn
up by Éamon de Valera, he makes specific reference to the following documents:32
• The Proclamation of the Irish Republic of 24 April 1916, which guaranteed:
‘religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens,
and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation
and of all its parts, cherishing all of the children of the nation equally.’
• The Declaration of Independence issued by the first Dáil Éireann on 21 January
1919, stated:
‘And Whereas the Irish People is resolved to secure and maintain its complete
independence in order to promote the common weal, to re-establish justice, to
provide for future defence, to insure peace at home and goodwill with all nations
and to constitute a national polity based upon the people’s will with equal right
and equal opportunity for every citizen.’33
• While the Democratic Programme released by the first Dáil Éireann on the same
day declared that:
‘[w]e desire our country to be ruled in accordance with the principles of Liberty,
Equality, and Justice for all, which alone can secure permanence of Government in
the willing adhesion of the people.’34
28. See Keane J writing extra-judicially in ‘Fundamental Rights in Irish Law: A note on the historical
background’ in O’Reilly (ed) Human Rights and Constitutional Law (The Round Hall Press,
1992) 25, p 27.
29. See www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/declaration_transcript.html.
30. See www.hrcr.org/docs/frenchdec.html.
31. See www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/bill_of_rights_transcript.html. See also the late Walsh J
in ‘200 years of American Constitutionalism-A Foreign Perspective’ 48 Ohio St LJ 757.
32. See Hogan, The Origins of the Irish Constitution, 1928–1941 (Royal Irish Academy, 2012),
p 166.
33. Dáil Éireann Debates Vol 1 21 January 1919.
34. Dáil Éireann Debates Vol 1 21 January 1919.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
14
The new Constitution was a visible outward symbol of nation-building, something to set
Ireland apart from its colonial past. As one historian has noted, the Constitution was a
validation of values established over fifteen years of Irish independence.35
(ii) Rights – enumerated and unenumerated
The fundamental rights provisions in Articles 40 to 44 of the Constitution represented
‘one of the most conspicuous novelties of the 1937 Constitution’ when compared to the
1922 Constitution.36 While Éamon de Valera may have regarded them as merely
‘headlines for the legislature’ from comments he made in the Dáil on the Draft
Constitution, unlike Article 45 (the Directive Principles of Social Policy), they were not
prefaced by a proviso that they were not cognizable by any court or that they were for the
general guidance of the Oireachtas only.37
There is little in the way of documentation to give us a clear understanding of the
Drafters’ views on Article 40.3.1º and Article 40.3.2º. Did they realize that this would
become the well-spring from which the constitutional doctrine of unenumerated rights
would be sourced by the judiciary? In response to the concerns of the Department of
Finance over these Articles and the extent of the obligations imposed on the State, Mr
McDunphy minuted tersely that: ‘The Law Officers are satisfied’.38
Kenny J’s finding in Ryan v Attorney General that Article 40.3 of the Constitution
guaranteed other personal rights not explicitly referred to in the text, upheld by the
Supreme Court, represented a turning of the tide in constitutional interpretation before
the courts.39 These rights provisions have generated a rich source of caselaw from our
courts which have infused our common law. There is a fertile foundation for this
jurisprudence as Ireland is in a unique position, being a common law country, and a
member of the European Union, with a written constitution.40 Hogan J’s observation,
that outside of the United States the Irish judiciary has probably the longest and most
extensive experience of judicial review of legislation in the common law world, is
particularly apt.41
(iii) Directive Principles of Social Policy and influence abroad
The Directive Principles of Social Policy in Article 45 of the Constitution are also
innovative. The principles set forth in this Article are directed to the Oireachtas and are
35. Fanning, Independent Ireland, p 116–118 cited in Ferriter The Transformation of Ireland 1900–
2000 (Profile Books, 2004), p 359.
36. Hogan & Whyte (eds) JM Kelly’s The Irish Constitution (4th edn, Butterworths, 2003), p 1245.
37. Dáil Éireann Debates Vol 68 Col 216–217 on the Draft Constitution.
38. Hogan, The Origins of the Irish Constitution, 1928–1941 (Royal Irish Academy, 2012), p 356.
39. [1965] IR 294. The plaintiff Mrs. Gladys Ryan successfully argued that the right to bodily
integrity was protected by Article 40.3.
40. See ‘Leadership in Human Rights Law, Past and Future’, speech by Denham J to the Irish Human
Rights Commission and Law Society of Ireland Public Conference, 16 October 2004.
41. Hogan in Kilkelly (ed) ECHR and Irish Law (Jordans, 2004) 13, pp 14–15.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
15
explicitly non-justiciable in any court of law. In fact, such provisions were not entirely
new as the German (Weimar) Constitution of 1919 contained similar provisions; and the
Drafters looked at constitutional texts from other European countries as sources of
inspiration, as we shall see later.42
However the Constitution’s influence on the constitutions of emerging nations is perhaps
best illustrated by the number of written constitutions which now include such
provisions. The Directive Principles of Social Policy inspired similar provisions in the
Constitution of India (1947) and Burma (1947). Constitutions in other countries have
followed a similar path for example; Pakistan (1962), Sri Lanka (1972), Bangladesh
(1972), Tanzania (1977), Nigeria (1979), Zanzibar (1984), Ghana (1992), Uganda
(1997), Namibia (1990), as well as the constitutions of the Pacific Island states of Papua
New Guinea, Tuvalu, Solomon Islands, Kiribati, Vanuatu, Belau, and Western Samoa.43
Further evidence of the Constitution’s prescience in an international law context is the
inclusion of family rights in Article 41, the education rights in Article 42, and the
property rights in Article 43 as enforceable rights. These same rights would be
recognized in international human rights law in the 1948 Universal Declaration on
Human Rights.44
(iv) Constitutional interpretation
The interpretation of the rights provisions by the courts in light of prevailing concepts,
ideas and mores, illustrates a living Constitution, interpreted in contemporary times.
Constitutional interpretation which is restrained by rigid adherence to the actual or the
presumed intentions of the drafters might provide a comforting degree of reassurance.
But the ‘People’ of 1937 referred to throughout the constitutional text, do not equate
with the People of 2012. Therefore the Constitution must, of necessity, be construed in
its time to reflect the needs of the People it serves.45 A useful analogy is that it is like a
42. O’Connell ‘From equality before the law to the equal benefit of the law: social and economic
rights in the Irish constitution’ in Carolan and Doyle (eds) The Irish Constitution: Governance
and Values (Thomson Round Hall, 2008) p 328.
43. Kabudi ‘The Directive Principles of State Policy’ in Binchy & Finnegan (eds), Human Rights,
Constitutionalism and the Judiciary: Tanzanian and Irish Perspectives (Clarus Press, 2006),
p 24.
44. Article 16 family rights, Article 26 right to education and Article 17 rights to property. See http:/
/www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/.
45. See A v Governor of Arbour Hill Prison [2006] 4 IR 88 at 151, where I pointed out that: ‘...
neither the law nor the Constitution is frozen in 1937. The Constitution is a living instrument.
Concepts are before the courts today in forms not envisaged in 1937. Principles and rights have
developed over the last seventy years, from roots in national society, the European Community
and international documents’. For discussion on the methods of constitutional interpretation see
Hogan, ‘Constitutional Interpretation’ in Litton (ed), The Constitution of Ireland 1937–1987
(Institute of Public Administration, 1988), p 173; and Kelly ‘The Constitution: Law and
Manifesto’ in Litton (ed), The Constitution of Ireland 1937–1987 (Institute of Public
Administration, 1988), p 208.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
16
‘living tree’ which can grow and develop within its natural limits.46 The late Walsh J
described the contemporary nature of the Constitution when he wrote in McGee v
Attorney General:
‘According to the Preamble, the people gave themselves the Constitution to
promote the common good with due observance of prudence, justice and charity
so that the dignity and freedom of the individual might be assured. The judges
must, therefore, as best they can from their training and their experience interpret
these rights in accordance with their ideas of prudence, justice and charity. It is but
natural that from time to time the prevailing ideas of these virtues may be
conditioned by the passage of time; no interpretation of the Constitution is
intended to be final for all time.’47
Walsh J also spoke on this issue extra-judicially in a speech delivered in the United
States to celebrate 200 years of the American Constitution. In the context of
constitutional interpretation by the judiciary he stated that the Constitution is construed
in the present tense and is a legal document speaking from the present day.48
Thus, the Constitution is a living entity and it must be construed as of its time and not as
an historical document. The duty of interpreting, explaining and ultimately guarding the
Constitution rests on the judicial branch of government. In particular, it is the judges of
the High Court and the Supreme Court who must ensure that ‘... the Constitution keeps
in step with the times rather than the times keep in step with the Constitution’.49
46. This ‘living tree’ analogy comes from Lord Sankey in the Privy Council case of Edward v
Attorney-General of Canada [1930] AC 124 at 136, in which he describes the Constitution of
Canada and its interpretation. See Baroness Hale of Richmond, ‘Beanstalk or Living Instrument?
How Tall can the ECHR Grow?’ Barnard’s Inn Reading 2011 available at
www.supremecourt.gov.uk. It should also be noted that Justice Brandeis of the Unites States
Supreme Court once wrote that the US Constitution ‘is a living organism. As such it is capable of
growth – of expansion and of adaptation to new conditions ... Because our Constitution possesses
the capacity of adaptation, it has endured as the fundamental law of an ever-developing people’,
quoted in Bickel The Least Dangerous Branch (1962), p 107. This passage was a part, ultimately
not published, of Brandeis’s draft dissent in United States v Moreland 258 US 433, 441 (1922).
See the late Justice William J Brennan Jr of the US Supreme Court writing extra-judicially in
‘The Ninth Amendment and Fundamental Rights’ in Curtin and O’Keeffe (eds), Constitutional
Adjudication in European Community and National Law (Butterworth (Ireland) Ltd, 1992), pp
121–122.
47. McGee v Attorney General [1974] IR 284 at 319.
48. Walsh, ‘200 Years of American Constitutionalism –A Foreign Perspective’ 48 Ohio St. LJ 757.
See also Walsh ‘The Constitution and Constitutional Rights’ in Litton (ed), The Constitution of
Ireland 1937–1987 (Institute of Public Administration, 1988), p 86, where he wrote that ‘[a]s a
law, it [the Constitution] speaks always in the present tense and is to be regarded as a
contemporary law, even though as a document it may be regarded as being of another generation.’
49. See McCarthy J writing extra-judicially in ‘Observations on the Protection of Fundamental
Rights in the Irish Constitution’ in Curtin and O’Keeffe (eds), Constitutional Adjudication in
European Community and National Law (Butterworths (Ireland) Ltd, 1992), p 180.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
17
Dignity of the person
The Preamble of our Constitution, which was drafted by Mr Hearne, speaks of the
dignity and freedom of the individual:
‘And seeking to promote the common good, with due observance of Prudence,
Justice and Charity, so that the dignity and freedom of the individual may be
assured, true social order attained, the unity of our country restored, and concord
established with other nations.’50
In the Irish language text of the Preamble, the ‘dignity’ of the individual is described as
‘uaisleacht’ which can be translated as nobility or gentility.51 In Bunreacht na hÉireann:
A study of the Irish text Micheál Ó Cearúil, referring to Dineen, explains that the Irish
word for dignity, ‘dighnit’, was ‘used as far back as 1500’ and cites ‘fear dighnite móire,
a man of high position’ from the Annals of Ulster. He notes that the word ‘dignit’ is an
English or Romance loanword. TF O’Rahilly includes it in his ‘English words rooted in
Irish before 1580’.52
The English dictionary meaning of ‘dignity’ is the ‘state or quality of being worthy of
honour or respect’ and it is thought to originate from Middle English, in turn derived
from the Old French word ‘dignete’, as well as from the Latin word ‘dignitas’ from
‘dignus’ meaning worthy.53
Dignity is an example of an unenumerated right protected by the Constitution. In Re a
Ward of Court it was held that one of the unspecified rights of the person guaranteed
under Article 40.3 of the Constitution is the right to be treated with dignity.54 Prior to
this case and in the context of the rights of children, the late O’Higgins CJ held in G v
An Bord Uchtála that the child has the right to realise his or her full personality and
dignity as a human being.55
Dignity, whether as a moral value or a human right, is the very foundation upon which
respect for all human rights are based. Such respect is not dependent on social status. It
is deserved because each person is a unique human being and shares a common
humanity with their fellow citizens of the world.
References to human dignity were not included in the US Constitution. In the
Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, the concept of dignity was linked to
superiority.56 Eleven years after the enactment of Bunreacht na hÉireann, the
50. Mr Hearne’s first drafts of the Preamble were secular in contrast to the final version which
includes religious components inspired by the Polish Constitution of 1921. See Hogan supra n 6
at 155 and 211.
51. Foclóir Póca (Baile Átha Cliath, An Gúm, 1992), p 504.
52. Ó Cearúil, Bunreacht na hÉireann: a study of the Irish text (Dublin, The Stationery Office, 1999)
pp 695-696.
53. Concise Oxford Dictionary (10th edn, Oxford University Press, 2001), p 401.
54. Re A Ward of Court (No 2) [1996] 2 IR 79 at 163, per Denham J.
55. [1980] IR 32 at 56.
56. ‘All citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally eligible to all dignities and to all
public positions and occupations, according to their abilities, and without distinction except that
of their virtues and talents.’ See www.hrcr.org/docs/frenchdec.html.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
18
aspirational Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 articulated the right to dignity
of the human person in its Preamble and other articles.57 Many post-World War II
constitution builders made express provision for the right to dignity in their new
constitutions.58 There is great truth in the words of United Kingdom Supreme Court
Justice, Baroness Hale of Richmond, where she points out that:
‘It does not take much imagination to understand why those countries, recently
emerged from regimes which did not respect the equal dignity of all human
beings, should entrench such concepts in their laws.’59
From a regional European perspective, the European Convention on Human Rights and
Fundamental Freedoms 1950 does not expressly acknowledge the right. The European
Court of Human Rights has interpreted the document as including a respect for the equal
dignity of all human beings.60 The first Chapter of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of
the European Union 2009 is dedicated to ‘Dignity’. Article 1 concerns human dignity
and proclaims that:
‘Human dignity is inviolable. It must be respected and protected.’
This appears to be the first occasion that dignity is a free standing right in European law.
The subsequent articles concern the right to life in Article 2, the right to respect for
physical and mental integrity in Article 3, the prohibition of torture and inhuman or
degrading treatment or punishment in Article 4 and the prohibition of slavery and forced
labour in Article 5.61
57. See Articles 1, 22 and 23 available at www.hrcr.org/docs/universal_decl.html. As does the
Preamble to the United Nations Charter 1945, see www.un.org/en/documents/charter/
index.shtml; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, see http://www2.ohchr.org/
english/law/ccpr.htm; and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
see http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cescr.htm.
58. The Preamble to the French Constitution of 1946 required protection of the dignity of the human
person from all forms of degradation. Article 1(1) of the German Basic Law of 1949 provides
that: ‘The dignity of man shall be inviolable. To respect and protect it shall be the duty of all state
authority’. Article 2 of Israel’s Basic Law on Human Dignity and Liberty, passed in 1992, states
that: ‘There shall be no violation of the life, body or dignity of any persons as such’. Section 10
of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996 on ‘Human Dignity’ provides that:
‘Everyone has inherent dignity and the right to have their dignity respected and protected’. See
Hale ‘Dignity’, The Ethel Benjamin Commemorative Address 2010, delivered at Dunedin Public
Art Gallery, Dunedin, New Zealand on 7 May 2010 available at www.supremecourt.gov.uk.
59. Hale ‘Dignity’, The Ethel Benjamin Commemorative Address 2010, delivered at Dunedin Public
Art Gallery, Dunedin, New Zealand on 7 May 2010 available at www.supremecourt.gov.uk.
60. Gündüz v Turkey App no 35071/97, Judgment of 4 December 2003, at para 40, where the Court
noted that ‘[h]aving regard to the relevant international instruments (see paragraphs 22–24
above) and to its own case-law, the Court would emphasise, in particular, that tolerance and
respect for the equal dignity of all human beings constitute the foundations of a democratic,
pluralistic society.’ In Pretty v United Kingdom (2002) 35 EHRR 1 at para 65 the Court stated
that ‘[t]he very essence of the Convention is respect for human dignity and human freedom.’
61. See http://www.europarl.europa.eu/charter/default_en.htm.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
19
A recently-published report examined references to dignity in 701 constitutional texts in
force around the globe since 1789, including more than 90% of constitutions written
since World War II. In the 1930s less than 10% of constitutions made any reference to
human dignity.62 Ireland is a notable exception to this trend and our Preamble is
mentioned as such in the report. In 2000, about 70% of constitutions referred to dignity.
As Professor Binchy has remarked:
‘Constitutions throughout the world have been rushing to embrace respect for
dignity.’63
The embrace of dignity as a concept in international and European law since World War
II further illustrates how far-sighted the Constitution of Ireland was in 1937. Of course
the concept of dignity is common to many faiths.64 Perhaps, the Constitution owes some
if its originality and respect for rights to the fact that the Drafters had lived through a
traumatic period in the history of our country. Irish people had witnessed the events of
1916, the War of Independence 1919–1921 and the Civil War 1922–1923. Irish history
also includes the tragedy of the Great Famine, sickness and death, mass evictions and
forced emigration. One can only speculate whether first-hand experience and an acute
sense of history played a part in the inclusion of Fundamental Rights in the Constitution.
Aspects of Brehon Law
While we are celebrating seventy five years of our Constitution, it is appropriate to
recall the indigenous legal system based on the Brehon laws which existed in this island
for thousands of years. In recognising the dignity of the person, perhaps the Constitution
is displaying a folk memory of the Irish people. Under the Brehon law it was an offence
to shame a person.
Professor Fergus Kelly explains that under Brehon law verbal assaults on a person are
regarded with the utmost seriousness. In old Irish, the words for ‘to satirise’ (áerad and
rindad) mean ‘to strike’ and ‘to cut’, clever words which vividly describe the sting felt
by those at the wrong end of satire. There was a wide range of such assaults recognised
in Brehon law, for example mocking a person’s appearance, publicising a physical
blemish, coining a nickname which sticks, composing a satire, and repeating a satire
composed by a poet in a distant place. A person could be guilty of satire even by
mocking through gesture another’s physical defect or peculiarity. The Bretha Nemed
Déidenach adds the offences of taunting, wrongfully accusing another of theft, and
publicising an untrue story which causes shame, as requiring payment of the victim’s
honour-price.65 According to commentary, a heavy fine is levied on anyone who mocks
62. Report on Human Dignity 27 January 2011 available at http://constitutionmaking.org.
63. Binchy ‘Dignity as a constitutional concept’ in Carolan and Doyle (eds), The Irish Constitution:
Governance and Values (Thomson Round Hall, 2008), p 307.
64. The papal encyclical Rerum Novarum of 1891 was concerned with the dignity of work and the
papal encyclical of 1931 Quadragesimo Anno had human dignity as a central theme.
65. Kelly, A Guide to Early Irish Law (Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1988), pp 137–138.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
20
the disability of an epileptic, a leper, a lame man, a blind man or a deaf man.66 Thus,
respect for ones fellow human beings and their dignity was a significant aspect of the
law on this island more than a thousand years ago.
Judicial Review
Another innovative aspect of the Constitution may be found in Article 34.3.2º, which
expressly confers upon the High Court and the Supreme Court the power to review the
constitutionality of legislation. This was a novel measure to explicitly entrust to the
judiciary, especially as the British tradition of parliamentary sovereignty dominated
Ireland until the enactment of the Constitution. Even the United States Constitution of
1788, a product of the American Revolution, did not explicitly provide for this
jurisdiction.67 The power of constitutional review of Acts of Congress was not asserted
until the case of Marbury v. Madison by Chief Justice Marshall of the United States
Supreme Court. He wrote that:
‘It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the
law is. Those who apply the rule to particular cases must, of necessity expound
and interpret that rule. If two laws conflict with each other, the courts must decide
on the operation of each.’ 68
The Marbury decision was the subject of much criticism and, in so far as condemning a
statute is involved, it was not operated until 1857, in the infamous decision in Scott v
Sandford, which struck down as unconstitutional a law condemning slavery.69
As I have said previously:
‘Ireland led the common law world in 1937 by expressly stating in the
Constitution that the jurisdiction of the Superior Courts shall extend to the
question of the validity of any law having regard to the provisions of the
Constitution. This, perhaps more than any other aspect of the Constitution,
signalled the nature of the State, its divergence from the system of government in
the United Kingdom, and the parallels which may be drawn with the Constitution
of the United States of America.
The power to review the constitutionality of legislation expressly given by the
Constitution to the Superior Courts was a novel aspect of the Constitution in 1937.
No such power existed expressly elsewhere in common law jurisdictions, such as
the United Kingdom, Australia, or Canada ... Consequently, Ireland, in 1937, led
66. Kelly, A Guide to Early Irish Law (Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1988), p 95.
67. See Walsh J writing extra-judicially in ‘The Judicial Power, Justice and the Constitution of
Ireland’ in Curtin and O’Keeffe (eds), Constitutional Adjudication in European Community and
National Law (Butterworths (Ireland) Ltd, 1992), p 155; and Beytagh, Constitutionalism in
Contemporary Ireland: An American Perspective (Round Hall, Sweet & Maxwell, 1996), p 14.
68. (1803) 5 US 137. See also Chief Justice Marshall’s statement that a written constitution was ‘...
the greatest improvement on political institutions...’.
69. (1857) 60 US 393. See discussion by McCarthy J in Norris v Attorney General [1984] IR 36 at
89.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
21
the common law countries by giving such a power expressly to the Superior
Courts.’70
It is clear from the documents now available from the archives that the Drafters
understood the power structure being established. It was a visionary approach to a
democracy with three organs of State, where the Superior Courts were entrusted with
judicial review of legislation.71
European Echoes
I would like to reflect upon some European echoes which may be found in the
Constitution. For example, Article 40.5 of the Constitution provides that:
‘The dwelling of every citizen is inviolable and shall not be forcibly entered save
in accordance with law.’
It is very similar to Article 7 of the Constitution of the Irish Free State which provided
that:
‘The dwelling of each citizen is inviolable and shall not be forcibly entered except
in accordance with law.’
Dr Leo Kohn, writing of this Article, stated that:
‘The provision of the Irish Constitution guaranteeing the security of the dwelling
against administrative interference is drawn up on the model of the Continental
declarations, though more cryptically worded than most of the latter’.72
Its succinctness belies its significance as one of the most important, clear and
unqualified protections given by the Constitution to the citizen. Perhaps it has echoes
also of the bitter Irish race memory of evictions.
Article 40.5 was strongly influenced by constitutional texts of European civil law
countries. We know that Mr Hearne and the Drafters studied an array of European
constitutions during the drafting process. Hogan J has recently illustrated how Article
40.5 of the Constitution is quite similar to Article 115 of the German (Weimar)
Constitution of 1919.73 The German Basic Law ‘GrundGesetz’ of 1949 has a similar
provision in Article 13. This provides in the relevant part that:
‘(1) The home is inviolable.
(2) Searches can only be ordered by a judge, or in the case of imminent danger
also by other organs determined by statute; they may only be performed in the
form prescribed by the law.’
70. A v Governor of Arbour Hill Prison [2006] 4 IR 88 at 146.
71. ‘Leadership in Human Rights Law, Past and Future’, speech by Denham J to the Irish Human
Rights Commission and Law Society of Ireland Public Conference, 16 October 2004.
72. Kohn, The Constitution of the Irish Free State (George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1932), p 160.
73. The Binchy Memorial Lecture, Burren Law School, ‘Some thoughts on the origins of the
Constitution’, 5 May 2012 delivered by Hogan J.
The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects
22
Echoes also reverberate between the cases of the courts of Europe. For example, a
decision of the German Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht) of 20
February 2001 (BVerfG, 2 BvR 1444/00) has striking similarities to that in the case of
Damache v Director of Public Prosecutions decided earlier this year, where the Supreme
Court held that section 29(1) of the Offences against the State Act 1939 as inserted by
s 5 of the Criminal Law Act 1976 was repugnant to the Constitution in light of Article
40.5.74
The reasoning of the German Constitutional Court has many similarities to the
reasoning in the Damache case. An English translation of that decision shows that the
German Constitutional Court underlined ‘the importance of the reservation of
competence to a judge in the matter of investigative measures’ for the issue of search
warrants in accordance with the Criminal Procedural Code. This ‘aims at ensuring a
preventative scrutiny of the [search] through an independent and neutral authority. The
Basic Law assumes that judges on the basis of their personal and professional
independence and their strict subordination to law can best and most securely uphold the
rights of those individually affected’. The judge ‘has the duty, by means of an
appropriate formulation of the search warrant within the bounds of what is possible and
reasonable, to ensure that the invasion of fundamental rights remain measurable and
controllable’. The Court reiterated that ‘the wording and scheme of Article 13.2 of the
Basic Law affirm that the judicial warrant authorising a search is to be regarded as the
rule, a non-judicial warrant the exception’ where there are urgent circumstances based
on facts.
In the Damache case, the Supreme Court had similar reasoning and noted that the
issuing of a search warrant is an administrative act and must be exercised judicially.
Outlining the principles to be followed, it was explained at para 51 that:
‘For the process in obtaining a search warrant to be meaningful, it is necessary for
the person authorising the search to be able to assess the conflicting interests of
the State and the individual in an impartial manner. Thus, the person should be
independent of the issue and act judicially. Also, there should be reasonable
grounds established that an offence has been committed and that there may be
evidence to be found at the place of search.’
The Supreme Court also noted at para 58 that it is best practice to keep a record of the
basis upon which a search warrant is granted. In its decision, the German Constitutional
Court stated that a note should have been made in the file recording the circumstances
supporting the issue of the warrant and that the note made by the police on the file had
contained no statement concerning those circumstances.
The Court of Criminal Appeal recently recalled that the essence of the constitutional
guarantee in Article 40.5 being the ‘inviolability’ of the dwelling is one with very deep
roots in the European constitutional tradition.75 For example, Article 3 of the short lived
republican Constitution of France of 1848 had provided that the residence of every
74. Damache v Director of Public Prosecutions [2012] IESC 12.
75. DPP v Timothy (Ted) Cunningham [2012] IECCA.
The Hon Mrs Justice Susan Denham
23
person dwelling in French territory was ‘inviolable’. This same phrase is to be found in
relation to the protection afforded to the dwelling in Article 15 of the Belgian
Constitution, Article 72 of the Danish Constitution and Article 14(1) of the Italian
Constitution. Article 115 of the German (Weimar) Constitution of 1919 provided that
the dwelling was a ‘sanctuary and is inviolable’, save that exceptions might ‘be
permitted by authority of law.’
Thus, we see strong links between the Constitution and that of our European neighbours.
Also, the recent Supreme Court case and the case of the German Constitutional Court
discussed above illustrate a very similar reasoning process of the two European courts,
arrived at without reference to each other, in upholding the consti