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Buhari’s war team

The President-elect’s thinktank that made things happen

General Muhammadu Buhari’s personality may have been the major force that swept the All Progressives Congress to victory in the presidential election, but there are many individuals – some visible and others behind the shadows – who also made immense contributions. Some threw in their financial muscle to support the president-elect while others were saddled with mobilisation and other strategic functions such that Buhari, unlike in his three previous attempts to become the president, became a somewhat irresistible brand. Who are these men and women that made the dream possible? Indeed, the number is huge but some heavyweights played special roles in the emergence of Buhari as president. These personalities also seem likely to shape his incoming administration. ONWUKA NZESHI , FELIX NWANERI, DONALD OJOGO, JOHNCHUKS ONUAN YIM, PHILIP NYAM, IBRAHEEM MUSA , KUNLE OLAYENI, TEMITOPE OGUNBANKE and WALE ELEGBEDE report

COVER

Bola Tinubu: The stabiliser

There is no doubt that former governor of Lagos State and national leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, played a big role in General Muhammadu Buhari’s victory in the presidential election. Tinubu and Buhari, it would be recalled, championed the merger of the leading opposition parties that led to the formation of the APC.

Both men had to let go of their grip of the then Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) which merged with the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP). The former Lagos governor also had to forego his own ambition to work for Buhari’s victory.

His support for Buhari stemmed from the party’s national convention where he mobilised other party stakeholders and APC governors to ensure that the former head of state was not muscled out by other presidential aspirants with huge financial war chests. Tinubu had shown interest in the APC vice presidential ticket after the party’s national convention, but he backed out after consultations by party chieftains on the effect of a Muslim/Muslim ticket on APC’s chances in the presidential poll.

This paved the way for the choice of a former Lagos State attorney-general and Commissioner for Justice, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, and perhaps explains the acceptance of the party by the majority of Nigerians from across the various religious divides.

Osinbajo’s emergence was however not without Tinubu’s consent. The vice president-elect has remained a close ally of the APC national leader since his days as a commissioner in Tinubu’s administration (1999-2007). Though the former Lagos governor did not get the vice presidential ticket, he remained in the forefront of the Buhari campaign, traversing the length and breadth of the country, canvassing for votes for his party’s presidential candidate, particularly in the South-West, where he holds sway politically.

Tinubu’s political machinery ensured victory for the APC in five of the six states of the zone. The party won in Lagos, Ogun, Osun, Oyo and Ondo, but lost to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Ekiti. To many political observers, the former Lagos governor is the reason for the inroad that Buhari made in the South-West. The president-elect had never won in any state of the zone since 2003 he started vying for the presidency.

Tinubu’s influence is beyond Lagos, as his political dynasty has spread to states like Osun, Oyo, Ogun and even Ekiti. There is hardly any political office holder in these states whose loyalty is not to the former Lagos governor. Given his role in Buhari’s victory, Tinubu is likely to be the link between the South-West and the presidency in the coming dispensation.

Against this backdrop, it is expected that he will have a say in the choice of party men from the zone who would be joining the presidency in whatever capacity as he has over time demonstrated an uncanny ability to identify political as well as administrative assets.

Rochas Okorocha

The Imo State governor was vilified by most of his kinsmen in the South-East when he dumped the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) platform on which he was elected for the APC at its formation, but the move had paid off following Buhari’s victory in the presidential election. Okorocha was among the five contestants for the APC presidential ticket, but came fourth with 624 votes.

The loss did not dampen his resolve to work with other party chieftains to work for Buhari’s victory. He was virtually at all APC presidential rallies despite the fact that he is running for a second term and needed to be on the road in his state, soliciting for votes.

The presidential election result proved that the governor, who never wavered in his belief that the APC is a formidable platform that will enthrone good governance at all levels in the country, was able to do a lot of conviction in the South-East given the pockets of votes the party got. Most people in the zone believe that the opposition party is a Yoruba/Hausa party, and as a result, there was no need to support it when it is out to unseat one of their own – President Goodluck Jonathan.

Though the APC was routed by the PDP in Imo and other states of the South- East, the likes of Okorocha ensured a balance of power in the zone despite heavy military deployment during the election. This contributed to the not too impressive votes the ruling party had in the area although it won. For instance, while it was possible for the PDP to poll over 1.2 million votes in Imo State in the 2011 presidential election, it secured less than half of the figure in the March 28 poll.

The ruling party polled 559,183 votes while APC had 133, 253. The state has 1.7 million eligible voters, and what the result of the presidential election showed is that the Okorocha- led APC in the state was able to checkmate excessive voting as witnessed in previous elections. Okorocha is contesting the April 11 governorship election, but win or lose; he will be relevant in the incoming government as he is the highest ranking Igbo political leader that identified with the APC. The governor is not only expected to serve as a link between the Buhari administration and the South-East, he would be consulted by the party’s hierarchy in most positions that would go to the zone.

Rotimi Amaechi: Rallying force

The history of Buhari’s presidential election cannot be written without a large chunk chapters dedicated to Rotimi Amaechi, the governor of Rivers State. Amaechi was elected governor in 2007 on the platform of the PDP and in 2013 he led four other governors to defect to the APC due to irreconcilable differences between them and the leadership of the ruling party.

Having succeeded to lead other governors to join the APC in 2013, Amaechi threw all he had into the struggle that power must be wrestled from the PDP. He sold the party to the South-South people as an alternative party that would develop the region, and canvassed support for the party in the North. Amaechi, the chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF), was one of those behind the emergence of Buhari as the presidential candidate of the APC at the National Convention of the party on December 10 and 11.

It was when he resolved with Tinubu on the preference of Buhari as the APC presidential candidate that the APC governors and their supporters queued behind Buhari. In the election proper, when he missed to secure the vice presidential ticket of the party, he did not rock the boat. He stood behind the party and its presidential candidate before he was made the Director General of the APC Presidential Campaign Organisation (APCPCO). He was all over the country campaigning for Buhari.

He supported the party financially. Amaechi was accused of bringing the resources of the Niger Delta people including the state private jet to support Buhari. He was seen as the black sheep of the Niger Delta. Now that the APC has won the presidential election, all eyes from the South-South would be on Amaechi on what he brings back home. As one of the major financiers of the APC from the South-South, he is expected to play a major role in the administration of Buhari as a compensation for selling the APC presidential candidate to the South-South people above their kinsman, President Goodluck Jonathan. As the Director General of the APCPCO, Amaechi would be expected to be a member of the kitchen cabinet of Buhari and also influence key nominations.

Obasanjo: an ex-president’s rage

One of the most prominent personalities that gave Buhari’s momentum the greatest impetus was former President Olusegun Obasanjo. In the build-up to the March 28 presidential election, Obasanjo’s numerous public comments and posturing helped in creating a positive political perception for the APC candidate. Having served as military head of state for over three years and civilian president for eight years, Obasanjo towers above other political figures and wields tremendous influence in the nation’s polity. After his exit from power, he also served as the Chairman, Board of Trustees (BOT) of the PDP.

He was considered an oracle of sorts. When things fell apart between Obasanjo and President Jonathan, Buhari began to emerge as the favourite of the powers-that-be to step into the Presidency. Obasanjo overlooked his differences with the APC candidate, whom the PDP had roundly defeated in 2003, 2007 and 2011 presidential elections. The former president became an agent provocateur of sorts for the opposition and his activities and criticisms went a long way in fostering public disdain against Jonathan.

In an open letter to Jonathan, the former president accused the incumbent of fanning the embers of tribalism, condoning corruption and training snipers. At various fora, Obasanjo criticised Jonathan over the management of the nation’s economy and deplored the depletion of the external reserves as well as the continuous downward slide of the Naira under the president’s watch. Apt and poignant, these comments helped to check and counter subterranean moves by the Jonathan administration against Buhari.

During one of his visits to Obasanjo, Buhari got a clean bill of health on his management of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF). According to the ex-president, the APC presidential candidate never soiled his hands when he superintended over PTF between March 1995 and May 1999. He also disclosed that the probe launched by his administration never found Buhari wanting. While further making a case for Buhari, the ex-president pooh-poohed the allegations that the APC candidate is surrounded by certain corrupt politicians. He explained that all political parties are made up of “saints and devils.”

He, however, noted that any political party that eventually succeeded in forming government should separate the wheat from the chaff by appointing people with integrity and character into political offices. On Buhari’s certificate saga, Obasanjo wondered why the APC candidate’s opponents were making so much fuss out of an otherwise insignificant issue.

He urged Nigerian politicians to desist from debating on trivialities and focus on real issues. The last straw that broke the camel’s back was when Obasanjo ordered that his PDP membership card be torn publicly. The event signalled a death knell for the ruling party.

When elections were approaching and people started to seek his categorical views, Obasanjo said he had already spoken both “in speech and body language.” Coupled with his second term endorsement of Governor Ibikunle Amosun of Ogun State, many came to the conclusion that Buhari was the preferred candidate of the former president. And the verdict came when INEC Chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega, announced the APC candidate as winner of the epic presidential contest.

John Odigie-Oyegun: A party stabiliser

Chief Odigie-Oyegun, the National Chairman of the APC was the former governor of Edo State. The emergence of Odigie- Oyegun as the first substantive national chairman of the APC was surrounded with controversy, however it strengthened the party as some people considered as moles in the party by the national leadership of the party left the APC. Oyegun’s strong character of integrity was brought to bear during the primaries of the party for the general elections. He stood his ground that internal democracy was going to be installed in the party and this almost reflected in all the states.

His refusal to accept a consensus presidential candidate earned him some bad names. However, his forthrightness to produce a presidential candidate for the APC through a National Convention gave the APC a national acceptability that resulted in the party victory at the presidential poll conducted on March 28.

Among the APC presidential candidates that lost at the national convention of the party, no one holds ill feelings towards Odigie-Oyegun as they all joined the party to realise its presidential ambition. Odigie-Oyegun, as the national chairman of the APC, would be there to guide the Buhari administration as he would be expected to remind him of the manifestoes of the party.

Also those that would be ministers on the platform of the party would to expected to be blessed by the national leadership of the party led by Odigie-Oyegun. Hadiza Bala Usman: Tireless activist Apart from name recognition, Hajiya Hadiza Bala Usman has clocked a few nautical miles of her own in opposition politics. First and foremost, she is the daughter of the late Dr. Yusufu Bala Usman, the radical lecturer at Ahmadu Bello University(ABU) Zaria.

In the Obasanjo administration, she was particularly close to the government’s think-tank, especially Mallam Nasir el- Rufai, her father’s intellectual godson. However, like el-Rufai, she switched to opposition politics after the demise of Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, President Olusegun Obasanjo’s successor.

In 2011, Hadiza contested for the Musawa/ Matazu Federal Constituency on the platform of the defunct CPC, in her Katsina State of origin. However, she played a leading role in the APC merger. Significantly, that effort has paid off as she became a member of the party’s Finance Committee, an aide to Amaechi, the director-general of APCPCO. In addition, Hadiza is the Director of Finance of el Rufai Campaign Council in Kaduna State.

Apart from politics, Hadiza is also an activist. In particular, she is one of the pillars of #BringbackourGirls# campaign, a pressure group that kicked against government’s lackadaisical attitude over the fate of the abducted Chibok girls in Borno State. Specifically, the APC used government’s inertia over the Chibok abduction to showcase President Jonathan’s ineffectiveness in his war against insurgency. In the coming administration, Hadiza will be one of the policy drivers of the Buhari government, given her political antecedents and intelligence.

Atiku Abubakar

Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar was one of the APC presidential aspirants. He brought glamour into the APC and insisted that the choice of the party’s presidential candidate was going to be transparent. He visited all the states to woo the APC supporters and delegates for the National Convention of the party that produced the presidential candidate in December last year. Atiku lost the presidential ticket of the APC to Buhari as he came third in that convention. After the party’s convention, many believed that Atiku was going to leave the party to push his presidential ambition on another political platform, but this did not happened.

Even there were reports that Atiku was going to return to the PDP where he served as vice president for eight years. All these did not come to pass as Atiku donated his media team headed by Garba Shehu to the APCPCO. To show his commitment to the APC, Atiku was present at the meeting of Buhari with media executives organised in Abuja in the build up to the election.

Although he was not so much prominent in the presidential campaign of the party, he was the National Vice Chairman (North) of the presidential campaign. He contributed immensely to the success of the APC presidential election as he also delivered his state, Adamawa, with 374 ,701 votes against PDP’s 251, 664.He was also instrumental to the progress made in Taraba State. He would be expected to make contributions from the North on how Buhari’s government would be formed.

Tanimu Yakubu

Tanimu Yakubu Kurfi, an economist and former chief economic adviser to late President Yar’Adua was first appointed commissioner for finance when Yar’Adua was elected governor of Katsina in 1999. He later became Managing Director of the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria. Since he left government in 2010 following the demise of Yar’Adua, he had maintained a low profile and stayed out of the limelight.

In the current political dispensation, Tanimu was among those projected to pilot the campaign of Buhari. He was initially tipped to head the Policy Research and Strategy Directorate of the campaign organisation. The team was tasked with developing the economic blueprint and policy direction for the presidential flag bearer of the APC. However, when the party unveiled its campaign team, Tanimu’s name was missing on the list. His exclusion from the team, some say was due to protests from some party stakeholders who felt that Tanimu ought not to play such a prominent role in the APC giving his past political affiliations.

It is also possible that Tanimu may have also opted out of the visible team and chose to work from the background for his kinsman. He belongs to a group of young professionals of Katsina State origin, who allegedly made money from the Petroleum Special Trust Fund (PTF), a programme initiated during the Sani Abacha regime and then headed by Buhari until Obasanjo scrapped it in 1999. Tanimu had once been a powerful figure in government where he played some controversial roles in policies and programmes. It is very likely that he would soon resurface in the new government as one of the cabinet ministers.

Bukola Saraki

The scion of the late Senator Olusola Saraki political dynasty is heading to the Nigerian Senate for the second time. That he has an enormous influence and firm grip of the politics of Kwara State is stating the obvious. Not only is he the leader of the APC in the state; as a former governor, Saraki is among the few politicians who enjoy the continuous loyalty of their predecessors to the extent that as governor, Alhaji Ahmed Abdulfattah defers to him not only on state matters but also on party matters.

At the inception of the APC, its effect was not much felt at the Senate until Saraki led a sizeable number of serving PDP senators (then) to dump the PDP for the APC after aligning with the New PDP for weeks. From that moment, he has provided leadership nationwide. In the run up to the presidential ticket of the APC, Saraki had reportedly rallied some governors, most of whom he had led as chairman of the once vibrant Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) to take a common stand by beefing up the support base of the President-elect.

He was said have secretly led a group of leaders of the APC against the sudden drafting of the speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal into the race for the party’s presidential ticket. As a former influential member of the PDP, Saraki was said to have hinted of his former party’s apprehension of a Buhari candidacy.

After Buhari’s emergence as presidential candidate, Saraki took it upon himself to pressurise his friend Amaechi, to accept the position of the Campaign Director General. Not only did he do so, he actually contributed handsomely to initial campaign fund. In the unfolding scenario, Senator Saraki will play a key role in the government. There are reports that the APC is considering the retention of the Senate Presidency in the North Central and Saraki looks good to clinch the nation’s number three position.

Timipre Sylva

Sylva became governor of Bayelsa State after President Jonathan was chosen as the running mate to the late President Yar’Adua in the 2007 presidential election. Even though reports had it that Sylva was not Jonathan’s choice as his replacement, he had to accept it because he was not in charge.

The relationship between the duo had been largely that of suppressed animosity and cold war. However, Sylva drew Jonathan’s ire in the trying period of the late president’s ill health when as governor of the then vice president’s home state, he openly kicked against allowing Jonathan to play the role of an acting president. That was the defining moment until Jonathan, using proxies, stopped Sylva from contesting the PDP governorship primary that threw up the incumbent, Henry Seriake Dickson, as the governor of the state. To pundits, Sylva’s decision to join the then opposition APC was a matter of time. Soon after joining the party, the former governor had desired a shot at the national chairmanship of the APC but was prevailed upon to back out.

In the permutations to the presidential primaries, Sylva started with Buhari and ended with Buhari. The pockets of support the APC has in the Ijaw-speaking areas of the South-South are largely due to his influence. He had attempted to go to the Senate in the March 28 election but was unsuccessful.

All the same, the political dynamics within the APC are such that an outright obliteration of Ijaw interests in the South-South is not mostly likely to be an option for the incoming government at the centre. Therefore, Sylva’s continued relevance is certain if only to interface between the Buhari-led government and the fourth largest ethnic nationality from where President Jonathan hails. Alternatively too, a governorship comeback is possible for Sylva in the face of the growing opposition Dickson is facing from within and outside the PDP in the state.

Nasir el-Ru fai: The brain box

As a policy driver, Malam Nasir el- Rufai, is a technocrat turned politician. In that regard, he will be one of the brain boxes of Buhari administration. First and foremost, he represented the former CPC, one of the legacy parties, during the merger talks that gave birth to APC. Afterwards, el-Rufai became APC’s Deputy National Secretary but the exminister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) wanted to work directly with Buhari. However, Buhari asked him to run for the governorship of Kaduna State and el-Rufai, with that endorsement, threw his hat into the ring and won the primaries.

Before now, the gubernatorial candidate had been shuttling between Kaduna and Abuja, in the heat of his own campaign, to attend party meetings, inner caucus parleys and strategy sessions. Significantly, the ex-FCT Minister helped in selling Buhari to the international community, using his contacts and various networks. El Rufai, with a private sector background, will not only play a big role in Buhari’s Economic Team but will feature prominently in the war against corruption. However, combining this role and governing Kaduna, assuming he wins the election, will be a huge burden on his small frame. From his antecedents, the vertically challenged Quantity Surveyor can shoulder the work load.

Rabiu Kwankwaso: Spinning the votes

By nature, Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the Kano State governor, does not sit on the fence: he is either for or against you. Similarly, his force of character, strong personality and record of achievements have endeared Kwankwaso to his people. In 2013, Kwankwaso and six other governors fell out with Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, the PDP National Chairman.

The feud, like a crack on the wall, had provided the necessary opening and Buhari, Tinubu and a host of other APC chieftains, cashed in on the internal division within the PDP. Specifically, they went round the governors, lobbied them hard and five of them defected to the APC. Kwankwaso became the biggest catch as subsequent events have shown. First, Kano State gave Buhari the highest number of votes in the presidential election.

Secondly, Kwankwaso’s entry into the APC, by cold calculations, forced Malam Ibrahim Shekarau out of the party, killing his speculated presidential ambition. Buhari, by popular consensus, was the candidate of the legacy parties and the APC, according to reports, didn’t want Shekarau to disrupt this game plan. However, Kwankwaso had contested the presidential primaries but his aspiration, according to insiders, was largely to checkmate Atiku.

In addition, Kwankwaso became APC’s reference for performance in the North, just like Governor Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State. Specifically, the party flaunted the two governors’ achievements, along with others, as evidence that an APC government will deliver on its promised infrastructural development.

A former deputy speaker of the House of Representatives, ex-Special Envoy to Dafur and onetime Defence Minister, Kwankwaso has been an active player in the nation’s governance since the stillborn Third Republic. As a senator, he will be an important gateway for the Buhari presidency by leveraging on his wealth of experience during the horse trading that is characteristics of lawmaking. Kwankwaso will surely play a role in the Buhari presidency.

Col Hameed Ali: The Chief of Staff

Former Military Administrator of Kaduna State, Col. Hameed Ali (rtd.) is a no nonsense person who plays by the rules. Strict, austere and incorruptible, Ali shares certain traits with Buhari. In 1997, he framtically cut down financial waste as the military administrator in Kaduna State, by leading by example.

Specifically, recurrent expenditure and huge costs of running government were slashed. In addition, he sacked a lot of workers for going on strike, demanding a pay rise. Expectedly, this sacking elicited mixed reactions as southern Kaduna indigenes, the zone with the highest number of civil servants, alleged a witch-hunt in the exercise.

However, some people saw it as a way of pruning down a large, ineffective and money guzzling civil service. After retiring, Ali became Secretary General of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), under the late Chief Sunday Awoniyi, from 2003 to 2007.

On that post, Ali ran a tight budget and brought discipline to the secretariat. In 2009, he chaired the Jamaátu Nasril Islam (JNI) ad hoc committee on relief for victims of Jos crisis. Since then, he has been contributing to community service and has been politically active. In 2011, Ali monitored the elections for the former CPC and in that regard, he kept vigil at the Camp Road Polling Unit, where Vice-President Namadi Sambo voted. Right now, Ali is Buhari’s chief of staff and barring any hitch, the retired Colonel may retain his position in the new government.

Expectedly, he will bring his administrative experience, military disciple and frugality to bear on managing Aso Rock Villa.

Mamora’s contributions

Senator Olorunnibe Mamora is the Deputy Director-General of the Muhammadu Buhari Campaign Organisation. An astute politician, strategist and master of parliamentary procedures, Mamora’s contributions gave mileage to the APC presidential candidate’s ambition. Between 2003 and 2011, he represented Lagos East Senatorial District in the National Assembly. Before his ascension to the Senate, he was the Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly. He served as the speaker from 1999 when he was elected till 2003.

He was even appointed Chairman of the Conference of Speakers between 2000 and 2001. At the Senate, he was the Deputy Minority Leader. Mamora, a medical doctor, parades intimidating political credentials. He was a National Delegate for the National Republican Convention (NRC) in 1990 and Secretary, Lagos East of the United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP) in 1998. In most of Buhari’s local and foreign trips as well as political engagements, Mamora was always around the retired General, giving strategic support and media leverage. In several media interviews, he had predicted the APC candidate’s victory. He had maintained that no amount of largesse would change the minds of people in the South-West, who were tired of the PDP’s 16 years of national leadership.

The former Senate Minority Leader also lauded former President Obasanjo’s support for Buhari, saying such gesture was motivated by patriotism. He added that it was obvious that the APC presidential candidate’s popularity and acceptance was pan-Nigerian. He, however, assured Nigerians that Buhari would redeem his promises on assumption of office.

Adams Oshiomhole

Governor Oshiomhole of Edo State has been one of the arrowheads of the APC in the South-South geo-political zone. As a trade unionist and a former President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Oshiomhole shares a common ideology with other associates in the opposition camp. In the build up to the elections, Oshiomhole was touted as one of the possible candidates that the APC was looking forward to fielding to ensure they dislodged President Jonathan and the PDP from Aso Rock.

After the emergence of Buhari and the search for a running mate began, Oshiomhole was again one of the front runners before the party decided to pick Prof. Yemi Osinbajo for the race. Oshiomhole, a very vocal orator and mobiliser was made the zonal coordinator of the Buhari Campaign Organisation in the South-South, a region dominated by the PDP.

Benin City, the Edo State capital, hosted some of the most important campaigns of the main opposition party in the build up to the election. During those rallies, Oshiomhole took time to disabuse the minds of the people about certain negative perceptions of Buhari and what his election into office could mean for Nigerians. In one of those outings, Oshiomhole had this to say: “The issue of this election is not about religion or tribe. It is about who has what it takes to repair our country.

It is about who will give us light. If PDP couldn’t give us light in 16 years, shouldn’t we give it to someone else? Take a critical look at this election, when NEPA takes light, do they segregate between Christians and Muslims? When they bring fixed charges, do they differentiate between Christians and Muslims? Are both Christians and Muslims not suffering the inefficiency of the PDP’s 16 years of misgovernance? “They are saying APC is a Muslim party.

How can a party that parades Christians, such as me, Odigie-Oyegun, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo and many others, be described as a Muslim party? Now let’s look at it, if Nigeria’s problem is about religion, since 1999 till now, Christians have ruled the nation for 14 years, how come if it is really about religion that despite ruling for 14 years, Nigeria that ought to be like heaven is still like hell?” Oshiomhole made no pretences about his commitment to Buhari’s ambition and this often brought him on collision with the ruling party.

Although the results from Edo State showed that Buhari was beaten by the PDP candidate, President Jonathan in the presidential election, Oshiomhole was consoled that his party triumphed on the overall scores. He described the victory as a new dawn in democratic process and declared a public holiday in Edo State to celebrate it. In the coming days, Oshiomhole will surely be among those who will work closely with the incoming government at the centre to formulate its agenda and policy directions. If Oshimhole were not a serving governor who still has up to one year to conclude his second term, he would have been among the ministerial nominees in the new government.

Babatunde Fashola

The Lagos State governor was the Director of the Buhari-Osinbajo Presidential Campaign Fund raising Committee, and he had so far brought his ingenuity to bear by deploying several measures to raise funds for the presidential project. Besides raising funds, Fashola was also in the vanguard of the APC’s presidential campaign.

There is hardly any of the party’s rallies that he is not seen marshalling out point why the electorate should vote out the PDP-led Federal Government. He was instrumental to raising fund for the Buhari campaign. There are speculations that Fashola may end as the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice in the Buhari presidency.

Kayode Fayemi

For former governor of Ekiti State, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, nothing ruffles him. Even when he lost the governorship election to the incumbent governor, he was not ruffled. In fact, it could be said that he laid precedence for democratic ethos by conceding victory immediately after the election to his opponent, Governor Ayo Fayose of the PDP. While some saw his decision to congratulate Fayose as too hasty and a sign of immature politics, less than one year after his action, he is now been seen as setting the stage for last Tuesday’s conceding of defeat by President Jonathan.

After losing out in Ekiti State, Fayemi moved into the mainstream of party politics and was subsequently appointed as the chairman of the 24-member National Convention Planning Committee of the APC which held in Lagos. He was the Director of Policy of the APC, PCO. Fayemi is regarded as a political tech-nocrat and he is one of the think-tank that is expected to make the administration of Buhari tick. The former governor who possesses a Doctorate degree in War Studies from the prestigious Kings College, University of London, England, is vast and experienced in developmental governance and will be a valuable asset for the incoming government.

Garba Shehu: Erudite spokesman

The Director of Media and Publicity of the APC Presidential Campaign Organisation is a known name in the media. As the head of the former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s media office and one time President of the Nigeria Guild of Editors (NGE), Shehu brought his wealth of experience to bear in the presidential campaign.

He understood that the campaign was more of a media war, therefore was able to project the APC and character of its presidential candidate, Buhari, in good light. Shehu also believed that the campaign must be anchored on issues and not character assassination and therefore did not bring anything to the media that could negate the perception of the party or its presidential candidate. As a seasoned public relations person, his packaging of Buhari was a factor for APC to win the presidential election. Shehu will be expected also to project the government of Buhari in good light to the international community. Shehu has a good chance to become the president’s spokesperson or play a significant role in the Buhari administration.

Lai-Mohammed: PDP’s nemesis

The National Publicity Secretary of the APC, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, is also another media personality, who helped the cause of the APC and its presidential candidate to become the president-elect. Mohammed has a tremendous reach in the media and he made use of it to prosecute the aspirations of the party in the last presidential election.

He represented the APC in all the debates organised by the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) on good governance. Mohammed’s ability to bring the plots of the ruling party, the PDP, to the knowledge of Nigerians helped the APC to avert so many hindrances that could have impacted negatively on the party in the presidential election. His propagandist machine was very positive to the party and the presidentelect. Mohammed will not be Buhari’s government on the platform of state but on his person and contributions to the APC presidential campaign. He has an option to stay with the party and stabilise it or serve in the Buhari’s government.

Ngige: After failed re-election, things are looking up

Senator Chris Ngige who represents Anambra Central Senatorial District was made popular politically through his abduction as a governor in 2003 by the Uba’s family for refusing to compromise. Ever since then, he has become an instrument in the hands of the opposition party in Anambra State. He was the character that the APC used to test its political strengthen in 2013 when he contested the state governorship election. He lost that election to the All Progressives Grand Alliance candidate (APGA), Willie Obiano. He returned to the Senate and since then became the eye of the APC in Anambra and South-East. Whatever impact that the APC president-elect made in Anambra was as a result of the medical turn politician, though he lost his senatorial election to the PDP candidate, Hon. Uche Ekwunife.

Ngige will be expected to play a major role in Buhari’s government if not he will be jeered and bullied by his kinsmen and the Igbo. If Ngige had secured a return ticket to the Senate, he would have been one of the senators to be considered for the principal officers of the Red Chamber. He is likely going to be a minister.

George Akume

A two-time governor of Benue State and now a third-time senator, the Minority Leader of the Senate is not a neophyte to Nigeria’s political chicanery. His successes with the APC dates back to the ACN days as his defection to the party, a few months to the 2011 general elections changed the party’s fortune in the state for good. Akume galvanised the party into a force to reckon and brought up Prof. Steve Ugbah, who gave Governor Gabriel Suswam sleepless nights. In fact, up till today, many still believe that the ACN won the gubernatorial election in 2011.

He is now seen by many as the political leader of the Tiv and perhaps the Middle Belt. Akume’s political marriage with Tinubu (South-West) is reminiscent of the alliance between late J.S. Tarka’s UMBC and Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s AG in the First Republic.

A man with a large heart, he draws uncommon followership across the state because of his humility and generosity. He is one rare politician of such high status that still bears the title “Mr” in Nigeria. Through his popularity and widespread acceptance, the APC, an opposition party, has won at the presidential poll in the state and is set to clinch the governorship come April 11. In spite of the religious sentiments expressed in some quarters because the state is predominantly Christian, Akume’s leadership of the APC was able to deliver the majority votes to Buhari and the APC.

He convinced a former national chairman of the PDP, Senator Barnabas Gemade, to defect to the APC, who through his instrumentality, was handed the party’s senatorial ticket for Zone A, where he trounced outgoing Governor Gabriel Suswam in a historic contest. With Gemade’s pedigree, the party became stronger and it was able to deliver the majority votes in the state to Buhari. Akume is a top contender for the position of Senate President if the office is ceded to the North Central geo-political zone. He is poised to occupy a strategic position in the new government. He may be Senate Leader as well. But whatever happens, Akume remains a key player in the party and his enviable contributions cannot be wished away.

Aliyu Wamakko

The senator-elect is a two-time governor of Sokoto State and major actor in the APC. A suave and die-hard political fighter, Wamakko’s ascendancy to the position of governor was fraught with legal battles. On two occasions, Wamakko had faced two court-ordered rerun, and both occasions he triumphed. He was a former deputy governor of Sokoto from 1999-2006 before he resigned when things went awry with his boss. He went ahead to clinch the coveted post of governor in 2007 on the platform of the PDP. The governor, fondly called Alu has in spite of his aristocratic background being a through bred grassroots politician who has chosen to work for the common man.

For example, he was first to establish an Almajiri school where the then Minister of Education, Prof. Rukayatu Rufai, relied on his assistance and expertise to replicate that at the federal level. A political tactician of note with a measurable level of patience and tolerance, Wamakko did not fight his deputy, Alhaji Mukhtari Shehu Shagari, for refusing to cross over to the APC with him. Shagari has not been denied of the paraphernalia of office.

A renowned team player, his entry into the APC alongside Kwankaso changed the political topography of the North-West in favour of the opposition. Due to his acceptance among the peo-ple he successfully caged the National Security Adviser (NSA), Col. Sambo Dasuki (rtd) and defence minister, Maj. Gen. Aliyu Gusau (rtd), whose images loomed large in the PDP in the North West.

Wamakko created an indomitable platform for Tambuwal to flourish. He ensured that the speaker left the PDP and subsequently got the party’s ticket for April 11 gubernatorial election. Most importantly, he converted his goodwill and popularity into votes for Buhari and delivered all National Assembly seats to the APC. As a senator and a major financier of the party, Wamakko is set for a kingship role in the unfolding government. If he ends up as a committee chairman, he will be a force to reckon with in the party and the Buhari administration.

Adamu Aliero

Resilient and reticent, Senator Adamu Aliero, retired customs officer turned politician has nurtured himself into a national political figure of repute. Fondly referred to as the father of modern Kebbi State, Aliero assumed office as governor of the state in 1999, when it could best be described as a glorified local government area. He was able to lay a solid foundation for the development of the state in the eight years he governed. He occupies a central place in the history of the state and the politics of North-West geopolitical zone. This will be Aliero’s second coming to the Senate having been earlier elected in 2011 but was appointed FCT minister by the late Yar’Adua.

Regarded by many as a strategist, Aliero’s political career experienced a lull after he was dropped from the cabinet by then acting President Jonathan in 2010. His attempt to return to the Senate in 2011 was unsuccessful forcing him to withdraw from the scene to re-strategise. Aliero left the PDP for the opposition, his first love, and is today a senator-elect.

In the APC, Aliero is among the biggest mobilisers and believer in the philosophy of Buhari. In the North-West, he plays the role of a father-figure selling the candidature of the General. With his clout, the APC has been able to turn the tide against the ruling PDP thereby causing the incumbent governor, Alhaji Usman Dakingari, to lose woefully in his senatorial bid on March 28.

As a ranking senator, Aliero’s second coming to the Senate sounds promising and stands him in good stead to play a leading role in the Buhari administration. He will not just be an elder but a kingmaker when the administration comes on stream.

Abdullahi Adamu

The Sarkin Yakin Keffi is a household name in Nasarawa State and a major player in the politics of the APC. A founding member and former secretary of the Board of Trustees (BOT) of the PDP, the two-time governor of the state defected to the APC after the movement of the five “rebel” governors. An old war horse, Adamu started his political career as member of the Constituent Assembly in 1977. In the Second Republic, he was the first secretary of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). A former Minister of State in the Ministry of Works and Housing under the late Abacha.

At the outset of the current political dispensation in 1998, he became a founding member of the PDP and contested for governor of the state and won. He was re-elected in 2003 and at the end of his second term, he was elected into the Senate on the platform of the PDP.

He was re-elected in 2011 but defected from the party in 2013. Adamu is a strong advocate of zoning and was amongst the first politicians from the North to remind President Jonathan to respect the zoning arrangement of the PDP and abdicate power to the North in 2015.

In 2007, he worked alongside IBB, Atiku, Adamu Ciroma and other northern elders to pick a single northern candidate to contest against President Jonathan at the PDP primaries. He teamed up with the New PDP and mounted pressure on the Bamanga Tukur-led executive to reform the party. He is one of the leading lights of the APC in the North-Central, whose presence has ensured that Gen. Buhari secured the required 25 percent of the votes cast in the state. He is an experienced politician with vast network of friends and followers and will be of utmost benefit to the incoming government.

Aminu Masari

Aminu Bello Masari is one of the few aspirants in next Saturday’s gubernatorial election, whose victory seems almost certain. The former speaker of the House of Representatives’ ambition to govern Katsina State dates some years back since he left the Green Chamber in 2007. In 2011, when he flew the defunct CPC ticket, the crisis that rocked the nation after the presidential election negatively affected his chances. This time around, Masari’s candidature is promoted by the fact that unlike 2011, Buhari has already won the presidency and looking at the groundswell of APC/Sai Baba sentiments among the electorate in the state, the former speaker’s ambition to govern his state may be home and dry.

A humble and suave character, Masari has successfully transformed the otherwise bleak landscape of power politics into a vigorous awakening of popular consciousness of the availability of credible alternative leadership initiatives. Due to his honesty and humble mien, Masari has gained from an enviable track record in his political career a large class of admirers. As speaker, he gave a good account of himself and leftan indelible legacy for presiding over a House that rejected third term. It is believed that his opposition to the third term agenda was responsible for his political woes after leaving the House.

The progressive tendencies did not die as he teamed up with the likes of former Senate President Ken Nnamani, El Rufai and a host of others to form the PDP Reform Group. It was their inability to introduce the reform that led Masari and some of them to join Buhari’s CPC.

In as much as Masari seems to be riding on the back of Buhari to coast to victory, he has his own political base which he has deployed effectively to contribute in building the party in the state and nationally. His integrity has also helped in winning more souls for the party. Masari will be a strategic stakeholder in the Buhari as the governor of the incoming president’s state if he wins. Apart from that, Masari has been with Buhari in the struggle from the CPC days and has resisted the temptation of going back to the PDP.

Speaker Aminu Tambuwal

The speaker of the House of Representatives is a cat with nine lives. He is indeed one of the shinning lights of the wind of change that is blowing across the nation’s political space today. Tambuwal’s disregard for the PDP’s zoning formula to become speaker in 2011 marked the beginning of the decline of the party.

Speaker Tambuwal leads the pack of non-returnees as he will be slugging it out in Sokoto with his erstwhile boss, Senator Abdallahi Wali of the PDP for the state gubernatorial seat. Tambuwal represents Kebbe/Tambuwal Federal constituency of Sokoto State and has been in the House since 2003. A shrewd and unassuming politician, Tambuwal’s brand of politicking and experience will be greatly missed in the House. He came to the House on the ticket of APP, made a brief stopover in DPP but made his mark in the PDP and is leaving as an APC member. In his 12 years in the House, the Speaker has held different principal positions both in the minority and majority and now “minority-majority”. His emergence as Speaker in June 2011 was the turning point in his fast rising political career, which has also rubbished zoning in the election of speaker.

If he wins the Sokoto gubernatorial election on April 11, he will go down in history as the first speaker of the House since 1999 to have successfully transited directly from the exalted seat to another elective position. In fact, no presiding officer has ever made it. All the past speakers have failed in their bid to win any elective position even after leaving office. He will also leave the House as the first speaker to occupy the position from a minority party. Although, the APC is said to control the majority today. He will also go down in history as the first speaker without any financial misappropriation allegation levelled against him during his reign.

The Sokoto-born lawyer’s easy going style of presiding always got his colleagues to be on the same page with him. Deploying uncommon courage, jocularity, humility and subtleness, Tambuwal has enjoyed the kind of support both within and outside the House, that no speaker enjoyed since 1999.

He know when to spice the plenary with jokes and when tobe firm. How he was able to successfully played loyaltygame with PDP for over three years, perhaps only he can tell the story. If the result of the presidential election is a sufficient benchmark, Tambuwal will be crowned governor of Sokoto State come April 11. As governor of the seat of the caliphate he will be a major player in the Buhari government.

Rauf Aregbesola

Ogbeni Aregbesola, the governor of Osun State and South-West Coordinator of APC Presidential Campaign Council contributed immensely to Buhari’s victory in the Yoruba states, especially in his home state. In the presidential election, APC got 383,603 votes to defeat the PDP that polled 249,929 votes.

Aregbesola is an activist, engineer and politician. He served as Lagos State Commissioner for Works and Infrastructure in the Tinubu administration for almost eight years before going to Osun State to run for governorship election in April 2007 on the platform of the Action Congress (AC). He fought tirelessly in court for several months before a Federal Court of Appeal sitting in Ibadan, Oyo State, restored his mandate by declaring him the winner of the 2007 election.

The court also ordered him to be sworn in as governor on November 27, 2010. After being in the saddle for four years, he sought for re-election and was re-elected during the August 9, 2014 governorship election in the state. Since his emergence as governor of Osun State in 2010, Aregbesola has never hidden his perceived hatred for the PDP.

During 2011 presidential election, while the other five states in South-West supported President Jonathan and the PDP, the governor refused to toe the path of others, as he delivered Osun State to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) presidential candidate, Malam Nuhu Ribadu.

Aregbesola was one of those that contributed to Buhari’s emergence as APC presidential candidate during the party’s primary election in Lagos. In the build up to the election, he campaigned vigorously for change. Apart from his massive campaign in all the nooks and crannies of Osun State, the governor also toured many parts of South-West, campaigning for APC.

Olagunsoye Oyinlola

Oyinlola is one of the few Nigerians that have tasted power both in the military and civilian administrations. He was appointed Military Administrator of Lagos State from December 1993 till August 1996, during the Sani Abachaled regime. He also served as governor of Osun State from May 29, 2003 till November 26, 2010 before a Court of Appeal threw him out of office to pave the way for Aregbesola to be sworn in. After leaving office, he also served as PDP National Secretary before he was removed through the court.

Oyinlola was one of the leaders of the PDP that formed the Kawu Baraje-led New PDP. Few months after the New PDP leaders joined APC, the former governor also dumped the PDP. He defected to the APC few days to the August 9, 2014 governorship election in Osun State to drum support for Aregbesola’s re-election. Since his defection to APC, Oyinlola has been one of the leaders and grassroots mobilisers of the party in the state. The Okuku-born Prince and member of APC Board of Trustees (BoT) is one of those that worked tirelessly with Governor Aregbesola, Senator Isiaka Adeleke, Chief Bisi Akande and many others to ensure that Buhari became victorious in Osun State. He is good in speaking and canvassing for votes in local dialect.

Abubakar Audu

Prince Abubakar Audu was twice governor of Kogi State. His first tenure was from January 1992 until November 1993 and the second from 29 May 1999 to 29 May 2003. He was in support of the Kano State governor, Engr. Rabiu Kwakwanso for the APC presidential ticket. Since Kwankwaso lost and he didn’t move out of APC, Audu stayed and transferred his support to Gen. Buhari. He followed the APC presidential campaign train throughout the North. He ensured that Buhari defeated President Jonathan in the state. He would be expected to contribute to the success of the APC administration as the leader of APC in Kogi State. Audu’s target is the governorship of the state. He may have to wait until early 2016 for the governorship election in the state.

Ogbonnaya Onu

Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu, the former governor of the old Abia State and former National Chairman of the defunct ANPP is from Ebonyi State. Although his person did not impact much in the presidential election in Ebonyi State as APC scored 19, 518 against that of PDP 323, 653 votes in the presidential election. The APC president-elect, Gen. Buhari, holds Onu in high esteem as he had said to some people that they were three that formed APC – himself, Tinubu and Onu. He was also the chairman of the APC presidential screening committee.

The committee was made up of seven members. In setting up the committee, the APC national chairman, Odigie-Oyegun extolled the virtues of Onu as onetime presidential candidate of a political party and somebody who has the ability to rule the country. Onu is one of the three major personalities from South-East geopolitical zone who are in the APC. He is expected to play a major role in Buhari’s administration and probably replaced his kinsman, Senator Anyim Pius Anyim as the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF).

Aisha Jummai Al-Hassan

Senator Al-Hassan represents the Taraba North Senatorial District at the National Assembly. She is the APC governorship candidate in Taraba State and was elected senator in 2011 on the platform of PDP. She had held many positions in the past as a politician and public servant. She contributed strongly to the APC presidential campaign. As an avowed believer of Buhari, she donated her premises in Maitama in 2010 for his declaration as Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) presidential candidate for 2011 presidential election.

She followed the APC presidential campaign train round the North and delivered 261, 326 votes against 310, 800 votes of the PDP in the presidential election. She would be contesting the governorship election slated for April 11. Whatever the outcome of the election, there is a role for her in the incoming administration.

Audu Ogbeh

Former PDP National Chairman, Chief Ogbeh, is a political philosopher and one of those that made APC tick and the presidential victory of the party possible. Ogbeh, from Benue State is one of the two chieftains APC first produced in the state having been part of the political parties that merged to form APC.

He has a political experience as a legislature, minister and party administrator. He was first appointed as the coordinator of Buhari presidential campaign before Buhari emerged as APC presidential candidate and his campaign organisation was restructured. Ogbeh, an astute politician, who believes that a politician must first have his address in terms of what he does for a living would be an assets to the administration of Buhari if brought on board. Besides the former governor of Benue State, Senator George Akume, Ogbeh should be said to be the second in order of commitment to APC. Senator Barnabas Gemade and APC governorship candidate in Benue State, Chief Samuel Ortom were late entrants into APC.

Murtala Nyako

If there is any man that was most ardent to see the victory of Buhari in the presidential poll, it was no other person than the former governor of Adamawa State, Vice Admiral Murtala Nyako, and his reasons for that are much and perhaps tenable. While serving as governor, he was among the PDP governors that ditched the ruling party in 2013 for the APC, and that piled up hard times for him in the hands of the PDP.

After several politicking, Nyako was impeached by the state assembly on July 15, 2014 after the investigative panel that probed allegations of financial misconduct against him found him guilty. The impeachment marked the beginning of another tortuous experience for the former Chief of Naval Staff as different political logjam emanated from his impeachment, even his son was also not spared from the drama.

The former governor and his son, Abdul- Aziz, were declared wanted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for alleged stealing, abuse of office and money laundering. The anti-graft agency arrested the younger Nyako in February, and that gave sleepless nights to the APC convert. Even with the trouble, Nyako mobilised his supporters to vote Buhari. His son also was also elected as senator.