There are many ‘ifs’ 20 years after the annulment of the
June 12, 1993 presidential election – that is still considered Nigeria’s
freest and fairest. If then military president, General Ibrahim
Badamasi Babangida, had known that the decision to annul the election
would lead to the plethora of crises that Nigeria is yet to come over,
he may not have acted in that manner. Indeed if he had known that the
electoral process today would be much worse and replete with serial
instances of the reasons he gave for the annulment, he may not have done
so. If Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola (aka, MKO) had known
that events would spiral to a fatal end for him, he may not have sought
the presidency of Nigeria. If some of the elected public officers who
supported the annulment knew that Sani Abacha would restore full
military rule for another five years, they may have stood firmly on June
12 and continued in office. Using the behavior of some members of the
Nigeria Governors’ Forum, NGF, regarding their election where they voted
but lost but are refusing to accept defeat, the question should be
asked: When would Nigerians learn from mistakes of the past?
In this package, we present the reasons Babangida gave for
annulling the election, the response of MKO Abiola immediately after the
annulment was announced as well as the concluding part of Tonnie
Iredia’s interview – he served as the spokesman for the electoral
commission at the time of the annulment.
Why we annuled June 12 Presidential election — General Ibrahim Babangida
Fellow Nigerians, I address you today with a deep sense of world
history and particularly of the history of our great country. In the
aftermath of the recently annulled presidential election, I feel, as I
believe you yourself feel, a profound sense of disappointment at the
outcome of our last efforts at laying the foundation of a viable
democratic system of government in Nigeria .
I therefore wish, on behalf of myself and members of the National
Defence and Security Council and indeed of my entire administration, to
feel with my fellow countrymen and women for the cancellation of the
election. It was a rather disappointing experience in the course of
carrying through the last election of the transition to civil rule
programme.
Nigeria has come a long way since this administration assumed power
and leadership about eight years ago. In the attempt to grapple with the
critical and monumental problems and challenges of national existence
and social progress, this administration inaugurated and pursued sound
and justifiable policies and programmes of reform.
These policies and programmes have touched virtually all aspects of
our national life – the economy, political process, social structures,
external relations, bureaucracy and even the family system. I believe
strongly that in understanding, conception, formulation and
articulation, these policies and programmes are not only sound but also
comparatively unassailable. I believe too that history, with the passage
of time, would certainly score the administration high in its
governance of our country.
Let me also express my deep conviction that the core strategy and
structures of our reform policies and programmes, as enunciated in
1986/87, would, for a very long time, remain relevant and durable in the
course of changing our country positively. I believe that at the exit
of the administration from power, we would leave behind for prosperity a
country with an economy, the structures of which have been turned
around for good. The average Nigerian person has come to reconcile
himself with the fact that his or her social progress remains
essentially in his or her hands in collaboration with other fellow
Nigerians and not merely relying on what government alone could provide
for him or her. The days are gone for good, when men and women trooped
to government establishments for employment and for benevolence. This
administration has built the foundation that would take Nigerians away
from their previous colonially-induced motivations and the encumbrances
of colonialism. We have laid the foundation for self-reliant economic
development and social justice. We have established a new basis in our
country in which economic liberalization would continue to flourish
alongside democratic forces and deregulated power structure. In all
these, the average Nigerian person has more than ever before this
administration imbibed and assimilated the values of hard work,
resilience and self-confidence.
Ibrahim Babangida
It is true that in the course of implementing our reform policies and
programmes and especially because of the visionary zeal with which we
approached the assignment and responded to incidental pressures of
governance, we engendered a number of social forces in the country.
This is so because we sought to challenge and transform extant social
forces which had in the past impeded growth and development of our
country. We also sought to deal with the new forces to which our
programmes of action gave rise. Thus in dealing with the dynamics of
both the old and new social forces, we ran into certain difficulties.
In particular, during the course of handling the interlocking
relationships between the old and new political forces and institutions,
some problems had arisen leading us into a number of difficulties and
thereby necessitating our having to tamper with the rules and
regulations laid down in the political programme. As a result, the
administration unwittingly attracted enormous public suspicions of its
intentions and objectives. Accordingly, we have experienced certain
shortfalls and conflicting responses to the pulls and pushes of
governance in the course of policy implementation.
I believe that areas of difficulties with the transition programme,
especially from the last quarter of 1992 to the recent cancelled
presidential election, derived primarily from the shortfalls in
implementing the programmes of actions which, though objectively taken,
may have caused a deviation from the original framework and structure of
the programme.
Fellow Nigerians, it is true that by the cancelled presidential
election, we all found the nation at a peculiar bar of history which was
neither bargained for, nor was it envisaged in the reform programmes of
transition as enunciated in 1986/87. In the circumstance, the
administration had no option than to respond appropriately to the
unfortunate experience of terminating the presidential election. Our
actions are in full conformity with the original objectives of the
transition to civil programme. It was also in conformity with the avowed
commitment of the administration to advance the cause of national
unity, stability, and democracy. In annulling the presidential election,
this administration was keenly aware of its promise in November 1992
that it would disengage and institute a return to democracy on August
27, 1993. We are determined to keep the promise. Since this transition,
and indeed any transition, must have an end, I believe that our
transition programme should and must come to an end, honestly and
honourably.
History will bear witness that as an administration we have always
striven, in all our policy decisions, to build the foundation of lasting
democracy. Lasting democracy is not a temporary show of excitement and
manipulation by an over-articulate section of the elite and its captive
audience; lasting democracy is a permanent diet to nurture the soul of
the whole nation and the political process.
Therefore, it is logical, as we have always insisted upon, that lasting democracy must be equated with political stability.
Informed by our sad experience of history, we require nothing short of a
foundation for lasting democracy. As an administration, we cannot
afford to leave Nigerian into a Third Republic with epileptic
convulsions in its democratic health. Nigeria must therefore confront
her own reality; she must solve her problems notwithstanding other
existing models of democracy in other parts of the world.
In my address to the nation in October 1992, when the first
presidential primaries were cancelled, I had cause to remind our country
men and women that there is nowhere in the world in which the practice
of democracy is the same, even if the principles are similar and even
for countries sharing the same intellectual tradition and cultural
foundation. The history of our country is not the history of any other
country in the world which is either practising advanced democracy or
struggling to lay the foundation for democracy. Yet, in spite of the
uniqueness and peculiarities of Nigeria, there are certain prerequisites
which constitute an irreducible minimum for democracy. Such essential
factors include: A. Free and fair elections; B. Uncoerced expression of
voters preference in election; C. Respect for electorate as unfettered
final arbiter on elections; D. Decorum and fairness on the part of the
electoral umpires; E. Absolute respect for the rule of law. Fellow
Nigerians, you would recall that it was precisely because the
presidential primaries of last year did not meet the basic requirements
of free and fair election that the Armed Forces Ruling Council had good
reason to cancel those primaries. The recently annulled presidential
election was similarly afflicted by these problems.
Even before the presidential election, and indeed at the party
conventions, we had full knowledge of the bad signals pertaining to the
enormous breach of the rules and regulations of democratic elections.
But because we were determined to keep faith with the deadline of 27th
August, 1993 for the return to civil rule, we overlooked the reported
breaches. Unfortunately, these breaches continued into the presidential
election of June 12, 1993, on an even greater proportion. There were
allegations of irregularities and other acts of bad conduct leveled
against the presidential candidates but NEC went ahead and cleared them.
There were proofs as well as documented evidence of widespread use of
money during the party primaries as well as the presidential election.
These were the same bad conduct for which the party presidential
primaries of 1992 were cancelled.
Evidence available to gov ernment put the total amount of money spent
by the presidential candidates at over two billion , one hundred
million naira (N2.1 billion). The use of money was again the major
source of undermining the electoral process.
Both these allegations and evidence were known to the National
Defence and Security Council before the holding of the June 12, 1993
election, the National Defence and Security Council overlooked these
areas of problems in its determination to fulfill the promise to hand
over to an elected president on due date.
Apart from the tremendous negative use of money during the party
primaries and presidential election, there were moral issues which were
also overlooked by the Defence and National Security Council. There were
cases of documented and confirmed conflict of interest between the
government and both presidential candidates which would compromise their
positions and responsibilities were they to become president. We
believe that politics and government are not ends in themselves. Rather,
service and effective amelioration of the condition of our people must
remain the true purpose of politics.
It is true that the presidential election was generally seen to be
free, fair and peaceful. However, there was in fact a huge array of
electoral malpractices virtually in all the states of the federation
before the actual voting began. There were authenticated reports of the
electoral malpractices against party agents, officials of the National
Electoral Commission and also some members of the electorate.
If all of these were clear violations of the electoral law, there
were proofs of manipulations through offer and acceptance of money and
other forms of inducement against officials of the National Electoral
Commission and members of the electorate. There were also evidence of
conflict in the process of authentication and clearance of credentials
of the presidential candidates. Indeed, up to the last few hours of the
election, we continued, in our earnest steadfastness with our transition
deadline, to overlook vital facts.
For example, following the Council’s deliberation which followed the
court injunction suspending the election, majority of members of the
National Defence and Security Council supported postponement of the
election by one week. This was to allow NEC enough time to reach all the
voters, especially in the rural areas, about the postponement. But
persuaded by NEC that it was capable of relaying the information to the
entire electorate within the few hours left before the election, the
Council, unfortunately, dropped the idea of shifting the voting day.
Now, we know better. The conduct of the election, the behaviour of the
candidates and post-election responses continued to elicit signals which
the nation can only ignore at its peril. It is against the foregoing
background that the administration became highly concerned when these
political conflicts and breaches were carried to the court. It must be
acknowledged that the performance of the judiciary on this occasion was
less than satisfactory. The judiciary has been the bastion of the hopes
and liberties of our citizens.
Therefore, when it became clear that the courts had become
intimidated and subjected to the manipulation of the political process,
and vested interests, then the entire political system was in clear
dangers. This administration could not continue to watch the various
high courts carry on their long drawn out processes and contradictory
decisions while the nation slides into chaos.
It was under this circumstance that the National Defence and Security
Council decided that it is in the supreme interest of law and order,
political stability and peace that the presidential election be
annulled. As an administration, we have had special interest and concern
not only for the immediate needs of our society, but also in laying the
foundation for generations to come.
To continue action on the basis of the June 12, 1993 election, and to
proclaim and swear in a president who encouraged a campaign of divide
and rule among our ethnic groups would have been detrimental to the
survival of the Third Republic. Our need is for peace, stability and
continuity of politics in the interest of all our people.
Fellow countrymen and women, although the National Electoral
Commission and the Centre for Democratic Studies officially invited
foreign observers for the presidential election, the administration also
considered it, as important as a democratic society, that our
activities and electoral conduct must be open not only to the citizenry
of our country but also to the rest of the world. In spite of this
commitment, the administration did not and cannot accept that foreign
countries should interfere in our internal affairs and undermine our
sovereignty.
The presidential election was not an exercise imposed on Nigerians by
the United Nations or by the wishes of some global policemen of
democracy. It was a decision embarked upon independently by the
government of our country and for the interest of our country. This is
because we believe, just like other countries, that democracy and
democratization are primary values which Nigerians should cultivate,
sustain and consolidate so as to enhance freedom, liberties and social
development of the citizenry.
The actions of these foreign countries are most unfortunate and
highly regrettable. There is nowhere in the history of our country or
indeed of the third world where these countries can be said to love
Nigeria or Nigerians any more than the love we have for ourselves and
for our country. Neither can they claim to love Nigeria any more than
this administration loves our country.
Accordingly, I wish to state that this administration will take
necessary action against any interest groups that seek to interfere in
our internal affairs. In this vein, I wish to place on record the
appreciation of this administration for the patience and understanding
of Nigerians, the French, the Germans, the Russians and Irish
governments in the current situation. I appeal to our fellow countrymen
and women and indeed our foreign detractors that they should cultivate
proper understanding and appreciation of the peculiar historic
circumstances in the development of our country and the determination
not only of this administration but indeed of all Nigerians to resolve
the current crises.
Fellow Nigerians, the National Security and Defence Council has met
several times since the June 12, 1993 election. The council has fully
deliberated not only on our avowed commitment but also to bequeathing to
posterity a sound economic and political base in our country and we
shall do so with honour. In our deliberations, we have also taken note
of several extensive consultations with other members of this
administration, with officers and men of the Armed Forces and with
well-meaning Nigerian leaders of thought. We are committed to handing
over power on 27th August, 1993. Accordingly, the National Defence and
Security Council has decided that, by the end of July 1993, the two
political parties, under the supervision of a recomposed National
Electoral Commission, will put in place the necessary process for the
emergence of two presidential candidates.
This shall be conducted according to the rules and regulations
governing the election of the president of the country. In this
connection, government will, in consultation with the two political
parties and National Electoral Commission, agree as to the best and
quickest process of conducting the election.
In the light of our recent experience and, given the mood of the
nation, the National Defence and Security Council has imposed additional
conditions as a way of widening and deepening the base of electing the
president and sanitizing the electoral process. Accordingly, the
candidates for the coming election must: (1) Not be less than 50 years
old; (2) Have not been convicted of any crime;
(3) Believe, by act of faith and practice, in the corporate existence of
Nigeria; (4) Possess records of personal, corporate and business
interests which do not conflict with national interests; (5) Have been
registered members of either of the two political parties for at least
one year to this election. All those previously banned from
participating in the transition process, other than those with criminal
records, are hereby unbanned. They can all henceforth participate in the
electoral process. This is with a view to enriching the quality of
candidature for the election and at the same time tap the leadership
resources of our country to the fullest. The decree to this effect will
be promulgated.
Fellow Nigerians, I wish to finally acknowledge the tremendous value
of your patience and understanding, especially in the face of national
provocation.
I urge you to keep faith with the commitment of this administration. I
enjoin you to keep faith with the unity, peace and stability of our
country for this is the only country that you and I can call our own.
Nowhere in the world, no matter the prompting and inducements of foreign
countries, can Nigerians ever be regarded as first class citizens.
Nigeria is the only country that we have. We must therefore renew our
hope in Nigeria, and faith and confidence in ourselves for continued
growth, development and progress