FEBRUARY 4, 2016
Prologue: The Liberalism of the Austin Left
2014 November
The earliest configuration of what was to become Red Guards Austin (RGA) was no more than three comrades who were gradually gravitating towards Maoism at various levels of development. We were still in the process of searching for an outlet for our revolutionary longing in the form of a preexisting “party.” Through careful study and consideration of both local and countrywide leftist groupings, we came to the conclusion that no such organization existed that could constitute a party, let alone one that had firm ideological anti-revisionism, mass work, and the clear participation and leadership of women and people of oppressed nations. We were adrift, leaning on our past experiences as anarchists, animal rights activists, and workers to help us develop into active communists. The first hurdle we faced was due in part to our class backgrounds: none of us had finished high school, let alone received a college education, unlike most of the white middle-class left we had encountered in Austin. We became revolutionary communists out of a dire need for revolution spurred on by our low social status and difficult economic conditions. We were quickly disillusioned by the pomp of local university leftist organizations and had experienced nothing but alienation from them in the past.
Austin responds to Operation Protective Edge / attack on Gaza
The most common ground we all shared was solidarity with Palestine and so we appeared as a small group at a Gaza solidarity demonstration in the summer of 2014. This was during Operation Protective Edge in July when Israel launched a military operation against the Gaza strip. We stood out due to our insistence on wearing masks and our willingness to publicly display the red flag. Although two of our three were already Maoist, we agreed to represent ourselves as anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninists due to our level of theoretical understanding at the time. That first day out, the local news channels made sure to utilize the “sensational” footage of the three of us in keffiyehs with Palestinian and red flags. This prompted some interest from the left and people began hitting us up asking what group we were with. We had no answers to give them and had not even formally settled on a name. What we began to learn was that there was a void in Austin and that we should push forward as open communists learning from the experience as we go, come what may.
We needed a name and to consolidate our ideology, understanding that ideological consolidation is an ongoing process through line struggle within the organization. We devoted time to internal study, discussion, and so on. We landed on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM) once we came to understand it as the third and highest stage of Marxism, synthesized in the people’s war in Peru by Chairman Gonzalo. The name could stand to wait a little longer.
Our next effort was to reach out to other Maoists both locally and countrywide. We had been paying close attention to the split in the New Communist Party Organizing Committee and were glad to see the larger section of the split go on to form the Liaison Committee for a New Communist Party (NCP-LC). These comrades would be essential to our growth and development as communists, through both their solidarity and advice. On the local front, prospects looked grim. The International Socialist Organization (ISO) attacked and disrupted smaller groups from their independent kingdom on the University of Texas (UT) Austin campus. They were known to have been the gatekeepers of activism on campus and hostile to anyone except organizations they could control. We did manage to get in touch with some committed and good comrades in the area whose tendencies we did not agree with but who were principled and committed to the idea of a more militant Austin.
We ended up attending the film screening for A Southern Patriot, which in spite of the name is a documentary about Anne Braden, a noted civil rights activist and labor organizer in the U.S. South. As Maoists, we uphold the principle of open criticism and self-criticism to be one of the cornerstones of our practice and noticed that when we criticized the film’s liberalism our criticisms were taken as personal attacks. Eventually we managed to have a more intimate, in-person discussion with the filmmaker, who then took our criticisms well and informed us of a lot that the documentary was unable to. It was the discussion after the film where a clear division was taking place between those in attendance and those hosting the event. Bourgeois and proletarian relationships emerge from all social relations, and in this case the hosts sat above the audience in what seemed like arrogance, making the discussion fairly awkward for those in attendance. An ISO member talked about the shrinking black population in Austin and how the other group he was part of was having a hard time attracting black members.
As activists closely following the rebellions in Ferguson, Missouri, after the killing of 18-year-old Mike Brown, we tried to push for a demonstration in response to the grand jury’s decision not to prosecute the officer, Darren Wilson. The demonstration was to correspond with the countrywide call made by activists on the ground in Ferguson. We were discouraged by a member of both the ISO and People’s Task Force (PTF) and were told, “Don’t bother. No one will show up anyway” and that “they were too busy around the case of Larry Jackson Jr. to do anything relating to Mike Brown.” Our argument to unite the countrywide with the local was ignored in favor of business as usual, and help in organizing was denied.
Anarchists comrades who had a similar experience with the ISO-PTF in the past reached out to us about organizing a grand jury response demonstration even if the local gatekeepers refused to take us seriously. After a few discussions, we committed to at the very least provide the masses of Austin with a space they could use to gather and demonstrate, even if we had no way at that time to lead any significant action beyond the creation and promotion of the event. For two weeks we printed and distributed fliers and promoted the event online. Since no one knew when the announcement would be made, we acted as if the demonstration could take place any day and feverishly organized, seeing it as an opportunity to put our ideas into practice. As the online event page swelled to large numbers, the media began to notice, and online hordes of liberals began spamming the page with “safety concerns.” The police responded by holding very public riot drills in front of the planned location of the demonstration. The media did not hesitate and immediately reported on the police’s intimidation propaganda and helped it spread. The whole drill was nothing but a show of force to scare the people into a docile rally.
We had all agreed that the response rally should be held at the police headquarters (HQ) for two reasons: first, because the police should be the target of demonstration since what was happening in Ferguson was a larger issue than just Mike Brown’s death but was in fact a rebellion against police systematically killing black people for any offense or no offense at all; and second, because of the need to break with the Austin tradition of holding every rally at the capitol regardless of the particular issue at hand, out of some tired habit and an obedience to business as usual.
We also agreed that our organizing experience was limited and that we were unprepared for anything of this size and therefore that we should let it develop organically and determine where to encourage struggle as events emerged. The concerned liberals swarmed our main organizers, who were both women of color, demanding that we remove the demonstration from the police HQ and instead relocate it to the capitol. We were divided on this issue and the comrade in charge of the event page caved and switched the location to the capitol. This caused a near-split where the Maoists said we were committed to hold our own demonstration at the police HQ anyway. After struggling internally, the correct line won and we united around the original agreement to have the demonstration at the police HQ. We made several errors at this point.
On the day of the demonstration just moments before it was set to take place we were approached by a group of black community organizers who wished to speak. We agreed, since the only planned speaking would be done in the form of an open people’s mic. This was a near-disaster since the “community organizers” ended up being pig apologists and advocates of “all lives matter” nonsense. This should have been rectified by rebuttals and struggle from the people themselves, but the liberals co-opted the event by controlling the mic and went against our wishes. Fortunately, they disappeared from the demonstration as it turned from an unpermitted rally into an unpermitted march. In spite of the large numbers, we failed to achieve any level of resistance or even civil disobedience.
Freedom Road Socialist Organization (Freedom Road) correctly criticized the event on those grounds in their article in response to the Ferguson grand jury demonstrations around the country. The article, however, went further, into the realm of opportunism, by alleging that we had no “black leadership,” an allegation they knew for a fact to be false. From the experiences of organizing the demonstration, the response from the left, and the internal line struggles, we knew that we had to settle on a name and publish a self-criticism and rebuttal statement without hesitation. The statement was signed by Red Guards Austin.
Emergence through Struggle
Turn the old world upside down, smash it to pieces, pulverize it, create chaos, and make a tremendous mess, the bigger the mess the better.
The above words were the closing lines of a statement issued by revolutionary students during the opening years of China’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR). The statement was signed “Red Guard.” This was the first use of the term in China by rebellious youth who would later shake the very foundations of the country and swell to mass organizations collectively numbering in the millions. Their words were our motto.
What is a red guard? The original red guards were revolutionary armed units of volunteers that greatly assisted the Bolsheviks during the Great October Revolution in Russia. The name would live on to become infamous or renowned (depending on your class) during China’s GPCR. Red Guards would lead the struggle against revisionism by taking the advice of Chairman Mao Zedong to “bombard the headquarters” and throw out those who wanted to return to capitalism (called “capitalist roaders”) within the Chinese Communist Party, continuing the revolution under socialism. The name has been used three times before us in the United States, all three times offering inspiration to our group. The first was the Red Guard Party from San Francisco, founded in 1969 by Chinese American youth who were inspired by the Black Panther Party and adhered to Mao Zedong Thought. The second instance where the name was used was around the same time, by the Peninsula Red Guard, which was a group of militant students who attacked the Stanford ROTC building in 1968. This group would go on to help found the Bay Area Revolutionary Union, which would later become the largest Maoist party in the U.S., the Revolutionary Communist Party USA, before degenerating into their own revisionist obscurity. The third and most important influence was a new organization, Red Guards – Los Angeles (RGLA), which was born from a split with the youth wing of the revisionist Communist Party USA. This split was cemented when anti-revisionist comrades from oppressed nations were expelled from the party for challenging the white chauvinism within the party itself. The Southern California Young Communist League (SoCal YCL) truly earned the name Red Guards by their willingness to attack the revisionists and the reactionary line within their own party. We had been following this struggle, cheered the split, and were inspired to adopt the same name when RGLA declared its line to be Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and joined the NCP-LC.
Our next task was clear. We knew that we had accomplished something because of our ability to draw crowds and also because our work with anarchists had started to bear fruit in the form of increasing support and interest. We now had to keep the momentum up and increase the pressure on the police by relying on the masses. The small left in Austin had been composed of the same 15 to 20 organizers doing the same flat demonstrations for some time. If we wanted to achieve a more militant environment we would have to draw new people out from the eastside, where we lived and worked. Furthermore, if we wanted revolution, we had to both learn and teach revolutionary theory. As Red Guards, we knew that revisionists would be one of many obstacles to be overcome. The history of liberalism had stifled many in Austin for years. It sat like a suffocating pillow on the face of young radicals who rather than rebel were turned into bored, half-awake dues-paying members of the ISO. At this time there was no other group willing to continue organizing against the police in solidarity with countrywide movements.
2014 December, Combining the local issues with countrywide issues
For a second time we approached the ISO-PTF members about continuing organizing around black lives in correspondence with the countrywide call. We were again rejected and told that it was not worth our effort. But nonetheless we were invited to a PTF-organized rally on behalf of Larry Jackson Jr., a black man who had been murdered by the Austin Police Department (APD) officer Charles Kleinert. We argued that in spite of the work being done, relatively few people knew who Larry Jackson Jr. was and that his case was part of a larger issue and should be combined with the countrywide movement. We were as usual dismissed and ignored, if not laughed at in some cases. But after our previous event, there was no denying the need to combine the countrywide and local issues and talk about the local victims in that context. Our suggestions were finally heeded even though the PTF was still unwilling to work with us in any real capacity. However, we were asked by one ISO-PTF member to bring out one of our red banners bearing a hammer and sickle to the demonstration set for December 5, 2014.
The tactic we had been pushing worked. The PTF, who in the past had only drawn crowds of less than 40, this time managed to draw upwards of 500 people. The protest took place in front of a closed and vacant courthouse just like the past Larry Jackson Jr. demonstrations. The difference was this time they included the countrywide call on behalf of Eric Garner, which had been closely followed by most of the country. Our position on the events of that night was written up and printed in a flier that we passed out at the next demonstration, and it is still available for reading on the Red Guards Austin page on Facebook. However, it is worth noting that we no longer seek to give the benefit of the doubt to the rightists/opportunists within the ISO. At this event only two of our members were in attendance, and as requested we brought a red banner with the hammer and sickle and the timeless quote from Chairman Mao Zedong “Dare to struggle, dare to win!”
Open communist symbols brought many enthusiastic young rebels to our side.
This banner and a flag, as well as our red bandanas, were signifying marks of our organization. Right opportunists in the U.S. have for a long time bought into anti-communist rhetoric that makes them think the international symbol of workers and peasants will “scare off the masses.” We find this to be a ridiculous throwback to the days of the Red Scare and nothing more than that. On the contrary, the open communist symbols brought many enthusiastic young rebels to our side during actions and generated a lot of interest in our ideology. But more importantly, we were shown support from average workers who were not professional activists. This demonstration was set to go just as the rest of them had, with the same speeches going on for too long from the same group of college professors, members of Nation of Islam, and other usual faces, saying the same things they had been saying a week or two before—only this time to a larger audience.
This was a different crowd, however, and the people grew anxious for action and were not content with just standing around outside an empty courthouse listening to people talk. We picked up on the energy from the beginning, talking to the crowd, seeking support from the more militant people in attendance. In good faith we approached the PTF leader who had shown defeatism in the past and asked for their support in taking and holding the Congress Avenue Bridge. His response was predictable and matched with our past experience with him: he told us, “We don’t have enough people to take the bridge,” that “we would all be pepper sprayed,” and that they “were not even planning for a march.”
Resolute with our faith in the people, we proceeded to take the streets with or without the support of the organizers, who were, at that point, attempting to bring the rally to a close as quiet as the empty courthouse. We began by chanting things that were not on the PTF list of approved chants and used our flags, banners, and bullhorns to halt traffic and usher the crowd out into the streets. Since then, the same ISO-PTF opportunist has claimed responsibility for turning the rally into a march. He might do well to go watch the video footage on Red Guards Austin’s Facebook page to see who was doing what. We then used the banner he had requested to maneuver around the police escort and lead the crowd to the bridge, which we held for almost 15 minutes. True credit for this action then and now goes only to the people of Austin who were fed up with toothless demos, who began making the call to take the highway and ultimately shut it down. At this point a member of the ISO who had taken over the bullhorn decided that the highway might be too dangerous of an idea and called a vote. While we take no issue with voting and getting a feel for what the people want, this implementation of the tactic was only used to stall and broadcast a direction to the police, who would either prevent an action or turn the whole thing into a parade complete with a police escort in the front. We knew the strategy of the APD to be one of low-intensity warfare. They aimed to improve their image among the people in a liberal city by avoiding cracking heads and making arrests and by instead “allowing people to protest safely.” This way they could promote themselves as a tolerant, progressive department and whitewash their crimes past and present.
This strategy, combined with the call for voting and recounting the votes that the ISO did not like, bought plenty of time for the cops to block off a path and keep the march as tame as possible. Eventually, after the third vote count, the ISO leader decided (deliberate miscount) that the majority vote went to the group wanting to march down 6th Street to the police HQ. Upon arrival, the majority of the crowd again voted to shut down the highway. This time the ISO leader threw the voting out altogether and informed everyone that “we will all be arrested.” The police, much like the ISO, felt the need to come over and voice concerns about our “safety.” At this point Red Guards Austin and supporters pushed for the vote to be honored and demanded we take the highway. This was a turning point where the old liberal left began to decline and the new younger, militant left began emerging. Nonetheless, the ISO managed to kill the energy of that night and lead the demonstration back to the courthouse, and the mood had changed; the high energy of the crowd was no longer present and the march went slowly and quietly back to the courthouse. We were approached by a lot of people who were disillusioned with the “leadership” of the ISO-PTF that night who began showing serious interest in RGA. Our next planning meeting and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM) study group would be standing room only. A radical pole had emerged.
Our planning meeting was on how we as a community could attempt to break with the old ideas and bad leadership of the ISO-PTF. We decided to attend any event and any meeting hosted by either group. We knew that PTF had mass members who were not yet corrupted by the ISO, so we sent supporters into their meeting, which was on the same night as ours. As the PTF met, the ISO leaders used red-baiting tactics and created the idea that communists and anarchists were basically out-of-town agitators bent on making them all unsafe. The same person who asked us to bring the banner publicly denounced us for bringing the banner, a position he has doubled down on since the messages between us had been screen-capped. They had agreed to enlist marshals to protect their next demonstration from the threat posed by the “anarchists and communists.” These marshals, mostly ISO members, were going to be wearing armbands reading “PTF.” When we questioned what qualified them as marshals and what training they had received, we were ignored. Our response was to enlist our growing support and membership base to become anti-marshals by wearing our own red arm bands with the letters “FTP,” PTF backwards, which stood for “fuck the police,” a slogan that they had decided would be forbidden at their demonstration. At this demonstration the untrained and overwhelmed PTF marshals were unable to notice or remove a man flying a U.S. flag as well as a swastika armband. Ironically, it was a Red Guard who seized the offensive racist material and kicked the man out of the demonstration. We were subsequently called “ultra-leftists” by members of the ISO. This time, the demonstration marched from the capitol to the police department, a route they were now comfortable with taking since the police did not mind. Things changed when we, instead, shut down the access road in front of the police department and the pigs began mobilizing against us. As tensions mounted, the same ISO member, who was also a college professor, got on his bullhorn once more and led the crowd away behind their police escorts. RGA and members of the black community of Austin’s eastside were attempting to hold the street. We determined, agreeing with the people who remained, that without the bulk of the crowd there was no point in standing off with the police.
Things changed when we shut down the access road in front of the police department.
After this demonstration the contending lines of left and right became clearer and mass members of the PTF began coming to regular RGA MLM study groups. When our supporters who were also PTF members began pushing for a coalition that could better organize against the police, the ISO leadership intervened and stated that there was no way they could work with us because, according to them, we were “Stalinists.”
While this allegation is false and an attempt to mislabel us, we still feel it necessary to make a few points on the matter. Firstly, “Stalinism” is not a real tendency but instead refers to the application of Marxism-Leninism during a specific historical period. The term is often used to mislabel Maoists, who, ourselves included, have many criticisms of the Stalin period and Comrade Stalin himself. This is not the platform or time for laying out a Maoist criticism of Stalin or his time as leader of the Soviet Union, however, considering the source we will say that we take the intended insult as a compliment. It was, after all, Comrade Stalin who led the only socialist country in the world to defeat the strongest fascist threat the world has ever seen, Nazi Germany. If defending the historical contributions of Stalin while criticizing his errors is enough to bar us from a coalition, we should also be grateful that the ISO or their particular tendency has never managed to mislead a revolution, as they would surely have been defeated by whatever enemy they faced—if not by the defects in their theory then due to fact that they refuse to work with others and instead work against them.
At first the ISO attempted to poach our black members, especially one of our leaders who is a black woman, all while claiming that white skin privilege was a myth and that the social status enjoyed by whites was due to “the hard-earned gains of the labor movement.” At this point the poaching tactic had failed miserably and they degenerated into using classic misogynoir against the same women they tried to recruit by saying that “she is brainwashed by men.” This attitude emerges from the patriarchal tendency to disregard the genuine leadership of women comrades, insisting instead that they have no politics of their own. Pressure mounted from RGA supporters, anarchist comrades, and more militant organizers for black lives, and as a result non-PTF demonstrations began taking place around the holiday break. These included more militant anarchist-led interventions that were able to disrupt rich shopping centers and Whole Foods stores. These actions were supported by RGA, and we took an active role in defending comrades from police harassment. Through this period there were demonstrations weekly, if not more frequently, and the ISO began to slowly be removed from hegemonic control as their commandist, right-opportunist line was further exposed.
The struggle between RGA and the Austin branch of the ISO must not be misunderstood to be sectarian infighting, as some critics would frame it. In all such battles there will emerge a left and right who come into contradiction with one another. The two cannot mutually coexist without struggling to overcome the other. From this struggle, correct political lines emerge. The ISO is a well-funded organization that is centered mostly at and around universities. In Austin they assumed a dominant role in many spheres of activism. While our initial attempts were to work with them on issues such as police brutality, any unity proved impossible due in part to their commandism and unwillingness to struggle (that is, to debate as a way of determining the correct line). Their interests were not and are not with the masses of people from oppressed nations but with their own professional activism, which they sought to keep acceptable to the police in order to continue recruiting on campus and generating dues. They are unwilling to become fighting representatives of the people. RGA was met with nothing but attacks from the Austin ISO from the very start, and we hold that this was actually a good thing; the attacks helped us develop real political lines that were capable of serving the people. RGA, on the left, was drawn into contradiction with the rightists of the ISO not by design nor simply due to theoretical differences but due to opposing practice.
2015 January Storms
The successive demonstrations organized by anarchists, RGA, and our supporters continued on through the New Year. We sought a balance between large mass demonstrations and small lightning-strike demos where fast militant actions could be achieved. We ushered in the New Year with a New Year’s Eve demo where a small, committed group took advantage of the lack of police presence at the Travis County Jail. The prisoners’ New Year is a sad, defeating time where the holiday takes on grim features. The New Year holds the same bars and the same oppressive laws that they suffered from in the year before. The routine process of criminalization means that the majority of those in jail are not committed criminals but rather workers of our own class who have been targeted for being black or brown, or sometimes white and below the poverty line. Since these comrades could not come to a New Year’s party, we brought the party to them. Part of the struggle we wage against police violence must also include targeting mass incarceration. We brought fire, burned flags, and set off fireworks for those locked up. Our chants and explosions echoed off the parking garage, and those kidnapped by the state came to their small windows raising fists in salute! Eventually the police arrived as we were already leaving and due to our masks they could not determine who did what. Frustrated by the fireworks being shot in their direction, they backed down and we all celebrated our New Year’s Eve the only way we know how: in an act of rebellion.
For this action, we were denounced by plenty on the left, both locally and online, for being ultra-leftist. In response we can say only that those making this charge have never had to spend a holiday in the grim confines of the Travis County Jail, and that everything looks ultra-leftist to a right opportunist. Ultra-leftism is a charge all Maoists face at one time or another, but our practice in this case and others does not fit the criteria. Ultra-leftism is defined by going “too far ahead” of the masses or refusing to unite with all who can be united with. All of our actions had some level of mass participation and support from the beginning—even at modest amounts. We maintained that a communist organization must be oriented towards the people. As far as an unwillingness to unite with others, that charge falls short too, because we enjoyed supportive relationships with very different tendencies, from socialists to anarchists, even Trotskyists and Third-Worldists. We were and have always been willing to struggle for unity around specific issues. To be clear, unity without struggle is unprincipled and a waste of time. We know who our friends are and who our enemies are.
Through struggle sessions and study groups held by RGA we determined to uphold the line that we should continue orienting ourselves toward the masses by drawing from the historical lessons of the Black Panther Party, the Young Lords, and other groups of the New Communist Movement that had implemented Maoist Serve the People (STP) programs. Additionally, we were intentional in adding that these programs must uphold the lessons of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution by keeping revolutionary politics in command to prevent degenerating into an NGO (non-governmental organization)—that is, into a politically toothless charity nonprofit. For more information on the Maoist concept of serving the people, refer to the article “Notes on Mass Line, Communist Organization, and Revolution,” released by Maosoleum, NCP (LC)’s online publication. These programs must expose the inefficiency of the capitalist system while meeting a real, previously unmet need of the people with a program that has revolutionary content. We began preparing in January with regular STP meetings.
The regularity of demos had decreased but we still maintained our commitment to the struggle in Austin and attended the ones held by other organizations. We were disappointed that in spite of the large turnout for MLK Day, the organizers had invited pig supporters who demand “unity” between the black community and the pigs who were killing them. There was some vague talk of “revolution” from some of the speakers who eventually just told the diminishing, bored crowd to register to vote. Finally, to no one’s surprise, the organizers let the crowd go to participate in the sanctioned march to the capitol. At least there we were able to get our banner dropped from the top floor.
RGA maintains that no fascist should ever be given a platform and that any and all fascist propaganda should be destroyed and removed. This includes those of the “third position” who claim that they are neither left nor right but nonetheless promote class collaboration and hyper patriotism. This category describes the libertarian conspiracy theorists like Alex Jones and his tabloid, websites, radio shows, and so on.
Austin has been a breeding ground for such right-wing ideas for at least the past 20 years, where over a span of time Austinites saw a lone wingnut with a public access show grow into the multimillion-dollar monster that is InfoWars. Through discussion at mass meetings and study groups, the decision to combat distribution of their magazine was reached. We decided to hold a block party that would serve the dual purposes of removing the fascist material from circulation and at the same time launching our STP program. This block party would also be a donation drive for our upcoming STP free store. Local bands were to play, including revolutionary hip hop duo the Potential Threats.
Revolutionary organizations should seek to serve the people on many fronts. This means making life materially better and sometimes making life more enjoyable. It also means promoting revolutionary proletarian art and culture, creating radical alternatives to apolitical spaces, and bringing the masses into direct contact with the revolutionary organization.
The party was a success, with more than 100 in attendance, and our STP program was launched with the burning of every issue of InfoWars in town. Since then physical distribution of the magazine has stopped. Burning of fascist literature is nothing except a gesture if done by a few isolated communists. It becomes more than a gesture when it involves mass participation, which transforms a hollow gesture into a mass action. The credit, as always, goes to the masses that were no longer willing to tolerate the distribution of such material on their streets and got rid of it in responding to our call. Also we should mention the hard work put in by antifa (anti-fascist) comrades who have been carrying out militant ideological and physical struggles against fascism in the Austin area for more than a decade. Without them our work would not have been possible. While we would not come into direct open confrontation with the InfoWarriors or the open right wing for several more months, this event marked the beginning of a larger struggle—both the anti-fascist campaign and the STP program.
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