Luo or Lwoo (also called Joluo, singular Jaluo) are an amalgamated agro-fishery and Nilotic Dholuo ethnolinguistic groups in Africa that inhabit an area ranging from South Sudan and Ethiopia, through northern Uganda and eastern Congo (DRC), into western Kenya, and the Mara Region of Tanzania western Kenya, eastern Uganda, and in Mara Region in northern Tanzania. The name Luo or Lwo means "God’s life bearing exhalation.’
Orawo Luo tribal warrior dancer from Kenya
The amalgamated Luo-speaking people consist of many sub-groups or tribes which includes: Acholi people of South Sudan and Uganda, Anuak people of Ethiopia and Sudan, Jo Luo people of Kenya and Tanzania and Alur people of Uganda and DRC. The rest are Lango, Jopadhola, Kumam and Jonam people of Uganda; Shilluk, Mabaan, Thuri, Pari, Funj, Jumjum, Jur Bel, Blanda Boore and Luwo people of South Sudan; Luo Suba and Jokanywa people of Kenya; and Gambella people of Ethiopia.
Luo (Acholi) women
As one of the Largest Eastern African Nilotic groups, Luo people who are also known to historians and anthropologists as Kavirondo are said to be one of the ancient people of Nile Valley in Egypt and Sudan, i.e Anu people, the tribe of Osiris, by celebrated Egyptologist Cheikh Anta Diop and renowned British pro-Africanist anthropologist E. E. Evans-Pritchard.
In identifying Anu people with the Luos, Diop (1991) wrote "The Anuak (sub-tribe of Luo) of the Sobat River (Evans-Pritchard, 1940 p. 253) recalls the proto-historic tribe of Anu (of Osiris ethnicity) who originally occupied the Nile Valley" (Diop 1981, p. 121). Both Diop and Evans-Pritchard confirmed that the Luos were the very Nilotic people who first settled the Nile Valley and founded the ancient Kingdom of Koch (Cush, Kush or Quoch). Koch (Cush) was the original and powerful "itiyopian" kingdom that first emerged from the Nile valley in the modern republic of Sudan. In the Luo language, "i" means "thou" and "tiyo" is a verb meaning "to work or dedicate service to," "pi" means "for." Anu was a primordial watery mass, god of gods. Thus, "itiyopianu" means people who dedicate service to Anu.
Luo (Shilluk) people of Sudan
The sovereigns of Koch (Cush) extended Itiyipianu into the lower Nile region, which later became known as Egypt. So over the years the Koch (Cush) kingdom of Itiyo-pi-anu "expanded into Egypt, Arabia, and Aegian Peninsula" (Drussila D, Houston, 1985). The four waves of Luo migration from Sudan to other parts of Africa were chiefly from the four Luo-speaking groups (Lwoo), especially Acholi and Padhola. The Luo comprise a number of communities made up of various clans ( oganda ) and sub-clans who migrated into Kenya in various small groups led by clan leaders ( ruoth ). After settling in Nyanza region, each clan carved out and defended its own territory, later called 'locations' ( piny ).
Luo tribe woman Lupita Nyong'o, Kenyan academy award-winning actress of 12 Yeas a Slave fame and Filmmaker
The powerful and intelligent Luo people whose livelihood are mainly fishing, farming and pastoral herding are the third largest ethnic group (13%) in Kenya, after the Kikuyu (22%) and the Luhya (14%). The Luo and the Kikuyu inherited the bulk of political power in the first years following Kenya's independence in 1963. The Luo population in Kenya was estimated to be 2,185,000 in 1994 and 4.1 million in 2010 according to Govt census. However the figure was disputed by many Luos as not scientific since a significant portion of people previously considered as Luo were now counted as Suba. The Luos also feel that their overall population has always been down-scaled by successive Kenyan regime census in an attempt to mute the strong Luo political voice. Sample census conducted by experts estimate the total Kenyan Luo population to be currently at around 5 million. The Tanzanian Luo population was estimated at 980,000 in 2001 and 1,500,230 in 2010.
Outside Luoland, the Luo comprise a significant fraction of East Africa's intellectual and skilled labour force in various professions. Others members work in eastern Africa as tenant fishermen, small scale farmers, and urban workers. The Luo are the originators of a number of music styles, such as Benga, Ohangla, Dodo.
Historian and Catholic priest, J.P. Crazzolara in his foundational and migration study, The Lwoo (1950), writes hyperbolically, “They marched on and came upon people who trembled at their sudden appearance. The Lwoo were at sight the absolute arbiters of this population, who had no time left to think and try to repel such an unexpected mass of invaders.”
He describes them as an “irresistible, awful, marvellous people” that “spread (their) shadow” over the older areas of western and southern Uganda.
Luo tribe man and US president Barack Obama chatting with Kenyan tribal elders at Nairobi, Kenya.
The most prominent Luo people are Barack Obama, President of United States of America, Raila Amolo Odinga, Kenya`s former Prime minister and main opposition leader, Lupita Nyong'o, Kenyan academy award-winning actress of 12 Yeas a Slave fame and Filmmaker, Olara Otunnu,, Former Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations and Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict (Ugandan), Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Independence Fighter, First Vice President of Independent Kenya (Kenyan) and father of Raila Odinga, Barack Obama, Sr, Economist, Harvard University Graduate, father of current U.S. President Barack Obama, Tito Okello, Former President of Uganda and Army Commander, Bazilio Olara-Okello, Former president of Uganda, Joseph Kony, Leader of the Lord's Resistance Army, notorious rebel group in Uganda (Ugandan), Okot p'Bitek, poet and author of the Song of Lawino (Ugandan), Tom Mboya,Pan-Africanist, assassinated in 1969 (Kenyan) etc.
Luo man Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, nationalist, Pan-Africanist, vice president of indepence Kenya and long-time Kenyan opposition leader. He is an uncle of US president Barack Obama
Language
The Luo people speak the Dholuo language, which belongs to the Western Nilotic branch of the Nilo-Saharan language family. it is spoken by other Luo-speaking peoples, such as the Lango, Acholi, Adhola and Alur (all of Uganda and parts of Sudan and Eastern Congo). The four waves of Luo migration were chiefly from the four Luo-speaking groups (Lwoo), especially Acholi and Padhola. Dholuo, spoken in Kenya, is considered to be proper and standard Luo because it contains elements from all other Lwoo languages. It is estimated that Dholuo has 90% lexical similarity with Lep Alur (Alur language); 83% with LepAchol (Acholi language); 81% with Lango language, 93% with Dhopadhola (Padhola language), 74% with Anuak, and 69% with Jurchol(Luwo) & Dhi-Pari (Pari).
Luo tribe man Raila Amolo Odinga, Kenya`s former Prime minister and main opposition leader
Greetings:
English Dholuo
How are you? (informal) "Amosi?"
Very well. "Ber ahinya." (This is literally, "I greet you," a-mos-i.)
How is your morning? "Ichiyo nade?"
My morning is going well. 'Achiyo ma ber." (This is literally, How did you wake?. The verb to wake is chiewo, according to ABO.)
Luo tribe man Barack Obama, Sr, Economist, Harvard University Graduate, father of current U.S. President Barack Obama
Compare to Acholi Lwo in northern Uganda: Ichiyo ni nin? Achiyo ma ber.
English Acholi Lwo
How is your afternoon? Irio nade? (note: this greeting is less commonly used than either the morning or evening forms.)
My afternoon is going well. Ario ma ber.
How is your evening? Idhi nade?
My evening is going well. Adhi ma ber. (This is literally, How are you going?. The verb to go or to be going is dhi, according to ABO.)
How is the morning? Oyaore?
The morning is going well. Oyaore ahinya.
How is the day? Osaore? (used around midday)
The day is going well. Osaore ahinya.
How is the evening? Owimore?
The evening is going well. Owimore ahinya.
Luo man Tom Mboya,Pan-Africanist, assassinated in 1969 (Kenyan)
General Conversation:
English Dholuo
Thank you (very much), Erokamano (ahinya). Note that thanks are quite different in Uganda's Acholi Lwo: which goes like "Apwoyo (ma tek)."
I'll be back. Abiroduogo
Slowly, slowly. Mos, mos. (This is equivalent to pole, pole in Kiswahili.)
We'll see each other [later]. Wabironenore.
Let's see each other tomorrow. Wanere kiny.
I'm (very) sorry. Mos (ahinya). (Equivalent to pole (sana) in Kiswahili.)
Sleep well. Nindi ma ber.
I want... Adwaro...
You want... Odwaro...
I know... Ang'eyo...
I don't know... Ok ang'eyo...
I like... Ahero...
Goodbye. Oriti.
I want water, adwaro pii
I am thirsty, riyo nega (ABO translates thirst as riyo, and thirsty as bedo gi riyo.)
Thank you, ero kamano
Child, nyathi
Student, nyathi skul
Sit, bed
Stand,Stop, chung
Hunger, kech
I am starved, kech nega
Father, baba (ABO says, wuoro. Baba is Kiswahili.)
Mother, mama (ABO says, dhako or miyo as well. Mama is Kiswahili.)
God, nyasaye
To help, kony (The verb in Acholi is exactly the same. The Lord's Resistance Army--a band of rebels that has terrorized villages in northeast Uganda, kidnapped thousands of children, forced them to be child soldiers, and carried out a variety of other atrocities against civilians--is led by a man named Joseph Kony.)
Luo (anuak) girls from Gambela in Ethiopia
Man, dichuo
Woman, dhako
Boy, wuowi
Girl, nyako
Book, buk (or kitabu, the Kiswahili word.)
Youth, rawera
Leader, jatelo,ruoth
Fish, rech
I want to eat, adwaro chiemo
Grandpa, kwaru,kwara (According to ABO, kwaro.)
Grandma, dani,dana (According to ABO, dayo.)
White man, ja rachar
Black man, ja rateng
Luo woman
Numbers:
One, achiel
Two, ariyo
Three, adek
Four, ang'wen
Five, abich
Six, auchiel
Seven, abiriyo
Eight, aboro
Nine, ochiko
Ten, apar
Eleven, apar gachiel
Twelve, apar gariyo
...
Nineteen, apar ga ochiko
Twenty, piero ariyo
Twenty one, piero ariyo gachiel
Thirty, piero adek
...
Luo Cultural artist, Tony Nyandundo in marylad
History
According to Okot (1971, 2), the term Luo is the name of the mythical founder or leader of the Luo peoples. He further observes that although the name is widespread it does not appear in the founding myths of those who call themselves Luo. For example, the Shilluck say that their original home was Luo and the other people merely mentions Luo as the first man.
Luo men. Circa 1902. By Charles William Hobley
These myths being about the foundation of the existing political institution and groups are dominated by who the founder was; for example, in Sudan, among the Northern Luo, Nyikang‘o, Gilo, Dak and Dimo; among the Acholi, Alur and Chope Labong‘o, Nyipir and their mother Nyikal; the Padhola and Kenyan and Tanzania Luo by Labong‘o, and Gipir but speak more so of Owiny, Podho and Ramogi.
Luo warriors from Nyakach in full war gear . Charles W. Hobley, about 1900
The name Jo-pa-Luo then means people, followers or descendants of Luo. Although it is possible to reconstruct histories of the Luo groups separately, it is not possible to trace the history of the Luo people to the first Luo man. However, a comparative study of different Luo myths reveals striking similarities; many of them about quarrels over beads or spears. The people call themselves Luo, their language dho or lep Luo (Luo tongue) and their customs kit Luo. They are conscious of their Luo-ness. When shrines are built for ancestors, two are built; one called tipu Luo and the other tipu Jomiru/kimirwa. The first one refers to those of sociologically pure ethnic stock, who are all agnatically descendants of chiefs and Jumiru /kimirwa refers to all other clans who are regarded as subjects of the Luo. The Kenyan Luo refers to the Kalenjin: Nandi, Suk, Maasai, etc., as the Jo-Lang’o. The Central Luo also calls their eastern neighbours Lang’o.
A formal portrait of four young Luo men. The man standing to the left, seen in other images, wears a Luo goat skin apron (pien nyadiel) as well as a bead neck ornament. The man standing to the right and the two sitting are wearing ornaments including headdresses not really identifiable with Luo custom in the period, and may well be from other areas of Nyanza, visiting Kisumu.Pitt Rivers SourceCharles William Hobley. circa 1900
Luo Origins in Sudan
The Luo are part of the Nilotic group of people. The Nilotes themselves had separated from the other members of the East Sudanic family by about the 3rd millennium BC. Within Nilotic, Luo forms part of the Western group. The Luo languages forms one branch of this Western Nilotic group, the other being Dinka-Nuer (named for the Dinka people and the Nuer people).
The separation of the Luo group from Dinka-Nuer presumably took place in South Sudan at some point in the first millennium AD. Within Luo, a Northern and a Southern group is distinguished. "Luo proper" or Dholuo is part of the Southern Luo group. Northern Luo is mostly spoken in South Sudan, while Southern Luo groups migrated south from the Bahr el Ghazal area in the early centuries of the second millennium AD (about eight hundred years ago). This migration was presumably triggered by the medieval Muslim conquest of Sudan.
A further division within the Northern Luo is recorded in a "widespread tradition" in Luo oral history:[3] the foundational figure of the Shilluk (or Chollo) nation was a chief named Nyikango, dated to about the mid-15th century, who after a quarrel with his brother moved northward along the Nile and established a feudal society, while the Pari people descend from the group which rejected Nyikango.
Luo men of West Nile
Luo origins in Ethiopia
The Anuak are a Luo people whose villages are scattered along the banks and rivers of the southwestern area of Ethiopia, with others living directly across the border in southern Sudan. The name of this people is also spelled Anyuak, Agnwak, and Anywaa.
The Anuak who live in the lowlands of Gambela are distinguished by the color of their skin and considered to be black Africans. The Ethiopian peoples of the highlands are of different ethnicities, and distinguish themselves most simply by lighter skin color.
The Anuak have alleged that the current Ethiopian government and dominant highlands people have discriminated against them. This has affected the Anuak access to education, health care and other basic services, as well as limiting opportunities for development of the area.
The Anuak of Sudan live in a grassy region that is flat and virtually treeless. During the rainy season, this area floods, so that much of it becomes swampland with various channels of deep water running through it.
The Acholi, another Luo people in South Sudan, occupy what is now called Magwi County in Eastern Equatorial State. They border the Uganda Acholi of Northern Uganda. The South Sudan Acholi numbered about ten thousand on the 2008 population Census.
Luo little girls performing traditional dance
Luo origins in Uganda
Around 1500, a small group of Luo known as the Biito-Luo led by a Chief called Labongo whose full title became Isingoma Labongo Rukidi (sometimes named as Mpuga Rukidi), encountered Bantu-speaking peoples living in the area of Bunyoro. These Luo settled with the Bantu and established the Babiito dynasty, replacing the Bachwezi dynasty of the Empire of Kitara. Labongo, the first in the line of the Babiito kings of Bunyoro-Kitara, was according to Bunyoro legend the twin brother of Kato Kimera, the first king of Buganda. These Luo were assimilated by the Bantu, and they lost their language and culture.
Luo (Acholi) Dancers from Uganda
Later in the 16th century, other Luo-speaking people moved to the area that encompasses present day Southern Sudan, Northern Uganda and North-Eastern Congo (DRC) – forming the Alur, Jonam and Acholi. Conflicts developed when they encountered the Lango who had been living in the area north of Lake Kyoga. Lango also speak a Luo language. According to Driberg (1923), Lango reached eastern province of Uganda (Otuke Hills) having traveled southeasterly from the Shilluk area, and that Lango language is similar with that of the Shilluk language. It is however in some dispute whether the Lango share ancestry with the luo (with whom they share a common language), or if they have closer kinship with their easterly Ateker neighbours, with whom they share many cultural traits.
Between the middle of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th century, some Luo groups proceeded eastwards. One group called Padhola (or Jopadhola - people of Adhola), led by a chief called Adhola, settled in Budama in Eastern Uganda. They settled in a thickly forested area as a defence against attacks from Bantu neighbours who had already settled there. This self-imposed isolation helped them maintain their language and culture amidst Bantu and Ateker communities. Those who went further a field were the joka jok and joka owiny.the jok luo moved deeper into the kaviirondo gulf and are the present day jo kisumo and jo Rachuonyo amongst others.Jo owiny occupied an area near got ramogi or ramogi hill in alego of siaya district.the owiny's ruins are still identifiable to this day at bungu owiny near lake kanyaboli.The other notable luo group is the omolo luo who inhabited ugenya and gem areas of siaya district.The last immigrants were the jo Kager who are related to the omollo luo and their leader was ochieng waljak ger a formidable leader who with advanced military skill drove a way the omiya or Bantu groups who were then living in present day ugenya around 1750AD
Luo warrior
Luo origins in Kenya and Tanzania
Between about 1500 and 1800, other Luo groups crossed into present-day Kenya and eventually into present-day Tanzania. They inhabited the area on the banks of Lake Victoria. According to the Joluo, a warrior chief named Ramogi Ajwang led them into present-day Kenya about 500 years ago.
As in Uganda, some non-Luo people in Kenya have adopted Luo languages. A majority of the Bantu Suba people in Kenya speak Dholuo (albeit mostly as a second language).
Luo man from Kenya
The Luo in Kenya, who call themselves Joluo (aka Jaluo, "people of Luo"), are the fourth largest community in Kenya after the Kikuyu, Kalenjin and Luhya. In 1994 their population was estimated to be 2,185,000. In Tanzania they numbered (in 2001) an estimated 980,000. The Luo in Kenya and Tanzania call their language Dholuo, which is mutually intelligible (to varying degrees) with the languages of the Lango, Kumam and Padhola of Uganda, Acholi of Uganda and Sudan and Alur of Uganda and Congo.
Obama, at his ethnic Luo family home in the Kenyan homestead of Alego, poses with, from l., his Grandmother Sarah, Auma Obama (his sister) and Kezia Obama (Barack's stepmother and his father's second wife,
The Luo (or Joluo) are traditional fishermen and practice fishing as their main economic activity. Other cultural activities included wrestling (yii or dhao) kwath for the young boys aged 13-18 in their age sets. Their main rivals in the 18th century were the Lango, the Highland Nilotes, who were traditionally engaged them in fierce bloody battles, most of which emanated from the stealing of their livestock.
Luo people of Ethiopia
Economy
The Luo are said to have practiced a dual economy, with both farming and cattle-keeping being important. Both cattle, sheep and goats were kept and were used for both food, marriage payment and also for ritual activities such as sacrifice. Both sorghum (bel ) and finger millet (kal ) were important crops.
In some parts of Luoland, their economic activities are mostly influenced by the fresh water of Lake Victoria. They are mostly involved in fishing. The fish are consumed locally while some, especially the Nile perch, are exported to Europe and other countries. Fish and ugali are the staple foods of the Luo tribe. They also practice sugarcane and cotton farming, in other areas where they (Luos) live.
Luo farmer laughing happily
Socio-political structure
Social relations among the Luo are governed by rules of kinship, gender, and age. Descent is patrilineal which is traced through the male line to determine kinship. Kin align themselves for purposes of exchange of goods, marriage, and political alliance.
Names are received through the male line, and after marriage women reside in the homesteads of their husbands. A married woman builds up alliances for her husband's family by maintaining strong relationships with her brothers and sisters who live at her birthplace or elsewhere. It is expected that after marriage a woman will bear children for her husband's lineage. Bride wealth, given by her husband and his family, contributes to the woman's ability to maintain ties with her own family throughout her life. By having children, a woman greatly enhances her power and influence within the lineage of her husband. As the children grow, they take special care of her interests. Perhaps as many as 30 percent of Luo homesteads are polygynous; in which a man has more than one wife. This contributes to solidarity between a mother and her children, and between children born of the same mother. Polygyny is commonly accepted by both men and women, provided traditional ideas and regulations are maintained. These include, for example, a special recognition for the first wife or "great wife," whose house and granary are located prominently at the back of the homestead opposite the main gate. Subsequent wives have homes alternatively to her right and left in the order of their marriage. Sons are provided with homes adjacent to the main gate of the compound in the order of their birth. The husband maintains a homestead for himself near the center of the compound, his own brothers, if they have not yet formed their own homesteads; reside on the edge of the compound near its center. As Luo become wealthy in Luo land or elsewhere, it is common for them to build a large house for their mother. This is especially necessary if she is a "great wife," as it is considered improper for younger wives to have larger homes than wives more senior to themselves. Visiting and being visited is the major source of pleasure for the Luo. The social principles regarding age, kinship, and gender impose a heavy schedule of ritual obligations on Luo, regardless of their place of residence.
Age is important factor in the Luo society. Age is divided into two which are age-grating and age set; age is the stages one passes from infancy through adolescence, adulthood to death. Age-set is group of persons of the same sex, age, going through the same life circle at the same step and same time. A Luo have roles in age grade one is expected to behave certain way according to his or her age, they also believe in ancestral spirit which is the last stage in age grading. Politics is played according to one’s age: children and young adults are not expected to lead meetings of were adults and senior adults are, in most cases any leader of the Luo like the Craftsman, Traditional chiefs, or medicine men are either adult male or senior adult male. The age set also plays an important role in the Luo society people who are of the same age or have just a slight variation, have grown and matured together in the same manner have obligations to do certain things together or are expected to behave in certain ways; people of the same age are expected to grow and mature in the same manner and if one tends to delay it is questioned by the society and the elders advice the victim to try and catch up with the age-set. However the age is not very important in the modern world since some of the roles of an upper age grade can be taken by the lower age grade therefore age does not reflect that much as in the past.
Luo (Anuak) girl from Dimma
Kinship
This factor is the very social organization in the Luo society, it defined the obligation of the members of the Luo society it also defined privileges of members, kinship has two levels; the nuclear and the extended family, the nuclear family in made of the male head who has unchallenged power, his wife or wives, their children and the unmarried daughters of the male head. The nuclear served many functions and it was important in the Luo society; it is the centre of education where parents teach their children values common practices and customs , it is also the survival of the Luo society and it has a role to protect the children. The extended family comprises the parents, children, relatives, aunts and uncles this formed a clan. The clans where identified by totems. Kinship therefore still plays an important role in the Luo society up to date even though some believes and values have been eroded by the modern world like the unchallenged power of the male head. Politics, economy, and education is therefore played from the male down to the siblings, the male head is the decision maker when it comes to the running of business within the nuclear family and the leadership goes down to the wives then to the male sons from the eldest to the youngest. Education is done in gender basis the female are educated by their mothers and aunties while the male are educated by their father and uncles.
Luo (Shilluk) man from Sudan
In the traditional Luo society sex is a very important factor in term of advantage in the social structure, the female is termed as the second sex, when it comes to food the male has the advantage over the female because the belief says that the male has to take care of the Kinship and the clans as a whole and therefore he has to be strong and eat good food. The male also have an advantage over the women, they are always the beneficiary in division of wealth. In the division of labor men are advantaged, since women are the laborers and this led to men marrying many wives who will provide more labor when it comes to house work and food production. Sex also plays a big role in religion and leadership within the Luo society, the leadership is that of hierarchal and patriarchal, the women have a low status when it comes to leadership even though this element of sex is not important in the modern world due human rights, and the upraised civil societies. The most notable fact about the Luo economy is that women play the primary role in farming. Before the introduction of the modern money economy, the garden was the centerpiece of the women's world of work. Industrious women could earn considerable wealth by exchanging their garden produce for animals, handicrafts, pots, and baskets. A young girl is expected to help her mother and her mother's co-wives in farming land owned by her father, brothers, and paternal uncles. Even though a girl may go to school and rise to a prominent position in society, there is often still a strong association with the land and digging. Men are preoccupied with livestock and spend a great deal of time in "social labor" concerned with placing their cattle in good contexts, such as bride wealth exchanges, trading partnerships, and commercial sales. In the modern economy, cattle and goats have a monetary value as well. Men have control over animals and cash crops.
The woman cannot build a house on her own there has to be a man, in case of death of her husband she has to be inherited by one of the male in that community since customs indicate that there is no house without a male head to make decisions.
Luo man playing a string instrument, Ngomongo Village, Kenya | The Africa Image Library
Child Naming
Luo name their children after their ancestors. They therefore get the name of spirits (Nying-Juogi). The basic principle upon which the Luo acquire these Nying-Juogi is directly from the sun`s different positions in relations to the earth. If a child is born at sunrise, its name is Okinyi for male and Akinyi for female. To a great extent luo names are based on the principle of sun`s position during the day and its corresponding positions by the night. Thus, a child born between 5 a.m and 7 a.m is named Okinyi for a boy and Akinyi for a girl. A child born between 7:00 a.m and 9:00 a.m or 10:00 a.m is named Onyango for a boy and Anyango for a girl; a male child born between 11:00 a.m and 1:00 p.m is named Ochieng and Achieng for a female, and a male child born between 2:00 p.m and 5:00 p.m is named Odhiambo and Adhiambo for a female, a male child born after sunset is named Otieno, and Atieno or Athieno if female. A child born midnight is named Odiwuor for a male and Awuor for a female; the one born after midnight to 4:00 a.m is named Ogweno for a male and Agwena for a female.
Luo lady
Other names are given as a result of special events, such as harvesting, rain, eclipses, child`s birthplace, how the child came out at birth and so on. The following are some of Luo names
Luo names Meaning in English
Ocholla one who is born after the father`s death
Chieng Sun
Misumba Slave
Monye Mudfish
Engale Guiding spirit
Chuny Soul
Tipo Shadow
Luo people
Religion
The Luo people believe in a Supreme being and creator God known as Jok. Driberg in Okot (1971:50) explains that the idea of the word Jok to a Lang‘o (Luo) is "The sum total of the long departed souls merged into one pre-existing deity called Jok, a plurality of spirits merged into one person of a single godhead, a spiritual force composed of innumerable spirits, any of which may be temporarily detached without diminishing the oneness of the force."
Ogot 1961 noted that the word Jok was found in various forms in all Nilotic languages and that for the Shilluck Juok and Nyikang are the most general explanatory concepts. Jok accounting for the existence of nature or reality and Nyikang for the way in which it is ordered and interpreted. Jok mal created and maintains the world, while Juok piny determines how and for what purpose the God‘s gift should be utilized by man. For the idea of Jok among the Lang‘o and Acholi (Hayley1947), it was a neutral power permeating the universe, neither well nor badly disposed towards mankind, unless made use of by man. Lang‘o religion was the conception of this Jok power, and their magic was the practice by which man uses jok power. The world to Acholi (Wright) was one vast plain enclosed by the vault of the sky, charged throughout with magical force. The force is released by change from its static condition which then becomes fluid and powerful as seen in lightning, whirlwind, curious mountains and rocks. The Lang‘o (Harley) attributes anything of an unusual nature and unusual occurrences to some aspect of jok power. This included abnormal births, peculiarly shaped stones, hills, rain, hail, lightning, locusts and earthquakes. They (Hayley and Wright) noted that it was not the hills or forests that formed the objects of worship; these were mere shrines, the abode of Jok.
When lightning struck a house in a village, or when rain failed or hail, locust destroyed crops, prayers were offered to jok and sacrifices made to ancestral ghosts, just as other troubles occurred. But they were not sparks of jok power. Whirlwinds were regarded as jok in transit. Twins were regarded as jok. The spiritual part of man, the only part which survives death, is jok. Hence, to the Nilotes Jok is not an impartial universal power; it is the essence of everything, the force which makes everything what it is, and God Himself. The Greatest Jok is life force in itself. Above all force is God, Juok of Jok mal which is followed by the famous chiefs of the old such as Nyikang’ among the Shilluck and Podho among the Kenyan Luo. Next to come are the dead followed by specialists like ajwaka (ajuoga), medicine men and prophets who are believed to have special jok power. The specialists are followed by ordinary mortals, then animals, plants and finally, inanimate objects (Okot, ibid.:55).
The ajwaka/Ajuoga may be possessed by a spirit which helps him or her to divine; the witch la-jok also has jok power in him. And to have more jok power meant to be a more dangerous witch. The dead among the Luo are mostly forgotten, except those that believed to be troublesome. Such are referred to as cen, vengeance ghosts. The ghosts of certain animals such as elephant, lion and leopard are feared. Certain inanimate objects used by sorcerers to harm their victims such as lugaga (gagi). But, these are not considered as bits of jok power.
Jok Possession
Outstanding feature of the religious activity of the Luo was the annual feast at the chiefdom shrines. Each chiefdom had a shrine on a hill, in a dark forest or by a riverside. Some of the shrines were unusual natural phenomena or outstanding landmarks in the landscape. Some of the larger chiefdoms had more than one shrine at which they offered sacrifices. Among the lowland Alur the jok possessed one of the chief‘s wives in each reign; she then had duties in the service of the jok. Jok Lokka of Koc in Acholi possessed the priest who was also the medium. Jok Langol of Padibe caused the person possessed to become barren. Jok Lamwoci of the Payira caused barrenness in men, and insanity in women. Jok Lalangabi of Palaro made the possessed person hate members of the opposite sex, so that he or she remained a bachelor or spinster for life, or if married, divorce followed soon after Lalangabi had fallen on one of the couple. Few shrines were founded by chiefs. In fact, most of the chiefdom shrines and Jok originally belonged to commoner clans who continued to provide the line of priests. When chiefs visit or go to the village of priests they lose their normal prerogatives. Moreover the chiefdom Jok that possessed persons did not possess members of the chief‘s clan. Almost every force which can affect human beings may be and has been spiritualized. The elemental power of nature, sun, moon, rain, thunder and lightning, lakes and rivers and forests and deserts, all have been conceived of as spirit and have become objects of worship and sacrifice. The Luo did not offer sacrifices to the rocks or forests or rivers, they did not worship the spirit of the hills or forests or rivers, but Jok whom they believed lived in the caves or in the middle of the dark forest or by the riverside. Areas around these places were sacred grounds. No one might urinate, defecate, drive the blade or the butt of his spear into the earth. The duties of a priest were burdensome, dangerous and profitless. Ibaana (Crazzolara) means a person chosen and at times possessed by Jok. The Lang‘o put the phenomena of possession by ghosts in the province of Jok Nam which is contrasted with Jok Lang’o. Nam refers to riverine peoples: Pa-Luo, Nyoro and those bordering the Nile and Lake Kyoga. Ajwaka (Driberg) who dealt with diseases caused by Jok Nam were abanwa or abani (plural) who were men or women possessed by Jok Nam.
Spirit Possession
When according to the diviner, ajwaka, ill-health or misfortune was due to certain spirits other than ancestral or chiefdom jok, the situation was dealt with by inducing the offending spirit to possess the victim, and then depending on whether the particular spirit was friendly or hostile, it was allowed to stay in the victim or sent to where it belonged, or killed and destroyed. The preliminary examination of the patient usually took place at the home of the ajwaka, but the spirit possession ceremony, yeng’ng’o jok, shaking jok, was held at the home of the patient.
Education by Proverbs
The Luo elders use proverbs intensively for the education of their children and grandchildren. Every child in turn is expected to learn these proverbs, even though some of them are quite difficult to understand. Examples of some Luo proverbs and their meanings:
1. "Jarakni jamuod nyoyo gi kuoyo" (Don`t go shares in the flesh before the buffalo is dead, since he fights in the bush). This means one should not be rushing in life. Patience is everything.
2. "Alot muchayo ema tieko kuom" (The hen begins as an egg, man as blood). It means even an insignificant work is still of a value done nothing at all.
3. "wadu en wadu" (Blood is thicker than water
4. "Kik nyany nyang kapod in epige" (Do not abuse crocodile while you are still in its water). It means one should reflect on the consequences of his action whilst still indebted to somebody or under authority.
5. "Yath achiel ok los bungu" (One tree has never made a forest). It means it is always good to be united.
6. "Kik iwe ngowo man piny to odhi ni man malo" (He who stands on the ground sees the fruit better than the man up in the tree). It means we should respect everyone`s point of view.
Death and Afterlife
Among the Luo, it is believe that when a person dies his or her spirit or soul goes to the underworld after few days or weeks. The underworld is determined to be the centre of the Earth, at the bottom of the sea, and at a distant steppe down below the mountains.
Luo people believe that death comes from God and He alone has control over life and death. When someone dies Luo people just say ""Ekaka nose wacho" (It is how He has decided), "Ekaka nose kor" (That was what was predicted) or "Nyasaye okowe" (God has taken him).
Some deaths are considered to be abnormal death of persons whose body houses Jachien (troublesome spirits). A person who commits suicide is feared that he may become a ghost. The body of Ngamodere ( suicide man) had to be punished by whoever comes to his funeral. Because it is a taboo to commit suicide. The body of Ngamodere is slashed by a twig from the Powo tree. This is done to remind its Tipo (spirit) that it was the fault of his own man, and not someone else. If a person commit suicide on a tree, that tree is immediately cut down and burned. On Ngamotho e Pi (Death on sea), it is considered that ones Juok had preferred to live in the water. It is therefore proper to bury the one who died at sea closer to the sea. It is also necessary to bury the body of one who dies in water, Japi, must be buried by the Lake or waterside.
Luo, a Western Nilotic people, perform a series of rituals and many feasts for the dead because of their strong fear and respect for the dead. The Luo attitude towards their burial place evidently shows how they fear and respect the deceased ancestors
Luo people perform a total of about fourteen rituals for one deceased. All rituals are performed only when elderly men died, and a certain number of rituals are omitted depending upon age, sex, and marital status of the deceased. First, I will provide a list of a series of rituals in successive order of their occurrence, and then explain each ritual.
1) Death announcement
2) Vigil (budho)
3) Grave digging (kunyo)
4) Burial (iko)
5) Accompanying the spirit of the deceased to the former battleground (tero
buru matin)
6) Shaving (liedo)
7) Mourners’ departure for their houses (kee)
8) Serving a meal to the deceased and its family by married women (yaodhoot)
9) Serving a meal to the deceased and its family by married women (tedo)
10) Going to the former battleground with the spirit of the deceased (tero buru
maduong’)
11) Visiting the widow’s natal home (tero cholla)
12) Dividing articles left by the deceased (keyo nyinyo)
13) Remembrance (rapar)
14) Serving a meal to the family of the deceased by affines (budho)
I. Death and Its Announcement
People come to know of a death by hearing the women’s long, quivering wail, followed by the sound of drums. The death is always announced in the early morning or in the evening. Never have I heard this wail in broad daylight.
There are rules prescribing the time of announcement. The time varies with the dead person’s age, sex, and occupation. If a baby died in the morning, its death is announced immediately, and its body is buried the following morning. If old men or diviners died, their death must be announced after sunset, that is, women must wait for the right time to start wailing.
II. Vigil (budho)
The close relatives of the deceased such as the spouse(s), parents, step-mothers, brothers and sisters, and first and second patrilineal cousins, must stay within the compound of the deceased throughout several nights until the burial day. Two to four days pass before the burial, because relatives living in cities have to return to
their rural homeland. A lamp is lit through the vigil. Inside the house of the decreased, stools are placed
for as many relatives and church members as possible. Whenever new visitors arrive for condolence, some must step outside to make room.
Men and women form separate groups within the compound. Especially on the day of the death, they continue to cry and sing their lamentations and war songs throughout the night. Christian songs are sung if the dead person and his/her close kin are Catholics or followers of overseas-based Protestant Churches. People who belong to the Roho, an African Independent Church, pray, while they dance and play drums and metal instruments.
Most of the vigil visitors follow either Catholic or Protestant ways of expressing condolence. However, as they step slowly inside the house, older women and men may start crying and call out the name of the dead person as if talking to the body. Outside the house, some sit on stools and others sleep on the African mats under the eaves. Men make fire called magenga near the house for warmth, because it becomes very cold at night, about 10 °C. They say that this fire is made also for the departed to warm him/herself. The vigil continues up to the burial.
From the day following the death, the surviving family and relatives of the deceased busy themselves to prepare for the burial service: building the shade, cooking for visitors, and preparing the coffin and cloth. They must take a day off to fulfill their share of such obligations.
Neighbours start turning up to bid farewell to the deceased for the last time. Married women raise a strange voice before entering the compound to announce their arrival. Men enter the compound playing their whistles and singing their own elegies. These visitors go straight into the house where the body is laid without greeting other people, and then they pray, sing, or cry in their own ways. After a while they come out of the house, greet other people and join them. The relatives stay within the deceased’s compound during the mourning hours, which is called padho, meaning ‘sitting without doing anything.’ Most of the neighbours usually leave the compound in twos and threes after spending two or three hours. Some old people in particular, stay in the compound