Daanish Bin Nabi
Many formidable Indian politicians have said on record that
elections for Jammu and Kashmir’s legislative assembly have seldom been free
and fair. The alleged widespread rigging in the 1987 elections could well be
described as a watershed moment in the Himalayan region’s tumultuous political
history, as the then newly formed political alliance of like-minded parties,
Muslim United Front (MUF), felt disgruntled after most of its candidates were
declared unsuccessful. Did the 1987 elections compel Kashmiris to question a
political process controlled and managed by New Delhi and did the ‘rigging’
fuel popular anti-India armed uprising of 1989, Daanish Bin Nabi tries to ferret out.
In words of Prem Shankar Jha, one of India’s leading
journalists and columnists, it was New Delhi which put a question mark on the
electoral process in Jammu and Kashmir.
“If New Delhi had not
rigged the elections then people like Yasin Malik and Salahuddin (Yusuf Shah)
would obviously have joined any other mainstream Indian political party and
situation in Kashmir would have obviously been different,” Jha said in an
earlier interview with Rising Kashmir.
It is an open secret that India’s then Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi led government with the help of the then ruling party in Jammu and
Kashmir, National Conference (NC), facilitated the alleged rigging of
elections.
According to the “Statistical Report on General Election,
1987 to the Legislative Assembly of Jammu & Kashmir” about 74.88 percent
voters exercised their right to adult franchise, but in spite of these
controversially exaggerated statistics the elections ended up as a major
embarrassment for the Government of India.
The Islamic Students League (ISL), one of the constituents
of MUF, was an influential organisations formed in 1984. Initially, it was
known to people as ‘Tala’ party. It was renamed as the ISL in 1986. Mohammad
Abdullah Shirazi became its first president while Mohammad Yasin Malik ISL’s
general secretary.
As part of an electoral arrangement MUF offered three seats
to ISL, but it refused to contest elections. The party did not believe in the
electoral system under Indian constitution. However, the ISL was instrumental
in building sympathy and support for MUF in the Kashmir Valley and also
supported it from outside. ISL also took MUF’s campaigning responsibility in
all the five assembly segments of summer capital, Srinagar.
The main objective, according to MUF, behind contesting
elections was to address Kashmir’s political question.
Altaf Ahmad Shah, son-in-law of Kashmir’s inarguably most
popular resistance leader Syed Ali Geelani, was also an active MUF activist.
“The 1987 elections
were fought to control the assembly, not for governing J&K but to find a
constitutional way-out for creating international pressure on India so that it
respected the aspirations of Kashmiri. Whether we would have passed the
resolution or not is debatable, but the important thing about MUF was that all
the constituent parties were pro-independence or pro-right to self
determination. Our primary objective was to pass a resolution, favouring
Kashmir’s independence. That way we could have demonstrated to the world what
Kashmiris wanted,” recollects Altaf Shah.
MUF gained popularity as an indigenous Kashmiri political
platform, fighting for the Kashmir issue.
Mohammad Yusuf Hakeem, then member of MUF’s governing body,
says that Pakistan had no role in MUF’s creation.
“I was one of the members from ‘Shia Rabita’ Committee.
Pakistan had no hand in creating MUF. This amalgam was totally indigenous. The
root cause of militancy in Kashmir is the rigging in 1987 elections,” he firmly
believes.
Origins of MUF
In many ways MUF was a platform founded by intellectuals.
Three professors — Abdul Gani Bhat, Abdul Rahim and Sharief-ud-Din — were
instrumental behind MUF’s creation.
Prof. Abdul Gani Bhat, a professor of Persian language at
Sopore Degree College, was dismissed from services in February 1986 along with two
other professors for their “anti-India” activities.
“I along with two other professors, Abdul Rahim of Geology
Department and Sharief-ud-Din of Arabic Department were dismissed on February
27, 1986. Our services were terminated on the ground that we constituted a
threat to the security of Indian state,” recalls Prof. Bhat.
After their dismissal the trio formed Muslim Employees Front
(MEF) in March 1986, a prelude to MUF.
According to Prof. Bhat MEF became a reality at Ghulam
Rasool Bach’s residence in Sopore.
“First, we organized ourselves as Muslim Employees Front
(MEF). Ghulam Rasool Bach and Mohammad Ashraf Saraf were instrumental in doing
that. MEF was formed at Prof. Ghulam Rasool Bach’s Sopore home. MEF took care
of Muslim Employees and MUF dealt with political issues of Muslims. The
constitution of MUF was adopted on July 13, 1986 at Botengo, Sopore. Molvi
Abbas Ansari, Dr Qazi Nissar, Khaja Mohammad Bhat (then Amir-e-
Jam’at-e-Islami, JeI), Dr. Ghulam Qadir Wani, Hakeem Ghulam Rasool Wani were its
founding members.”
Finances play an important role in any political movement.
The MUF, in words of Prof. Bhat, was literally “penniless”.
“There were financial, transportation and communication
constraints. We were absolutely dependent on the JeI. The Jamaat too had only
one vehicle. With time not at our disposal we still managed to mobilise the
masses. Jammu and Kashmir’s then chief minister, Dr Farooq Abdullah, got
jittery about the peoples’ movement and in panic went to meet Rajiv Gandhi,
then PM of India, and decided to rig the elections. For me, it was the moment
when India changed Kashmir forever,” Bhat says in his uncanny style.
The building-up to the 1987 elections was euphoric.
MUF’s election rallies and campaign songs became a major
attraction for Kashmiri youth who enthusiastically participated in rallies and
went crazy while dancing.
When MUF’s candidates, clad in shrouds, were introduced to
people on 4 March, 1987 in Iqbal Park Srinagar, the scenes were historic. More
than 100,000 people attended the memorable rally.
Mohammad Ashraf Sehrai, then an important MUF candidate and
presently general secretary of Tehreek-i-Hurriyat, recollects how the key MUF
candidates presented themselves before the masses, wearing shrouds.
“We introduced MUF
candidates for legislative assembly in Iqbal Park. Our candidates like Syed
Shah (Shabir Shah’s brother) Mohammad Yusuf Shah (now chief of United Jehad
Council, UJC), Ghulam Nabi Sumji were clad in shrouds that day. Because we had
pledged that we will try our best to achieve our goal and would neither abandon
our struggle nor give up on our principled stand,” says Sehrai.
The immense love for Pakistan among the youth was evident on
that very particular day. Each time a speaker would use the word Pakistan, the atmosphere
would turn electric and the ecstatic crowds would be on their feet.
“In my speech, I said let there be no mistake about it, I
love Pakistan but it does not mean we hate India. When I said, ‘I love
Pakistan’, Yasin Malik, Javid Mir and Ashfaq Majeed literally turned crazy.
There was passionate sloganeering all around. And it was same for every speaker
who spoke on that historic day,” says Prof. Bhat.
MUF’s public rallies would mostly reverberate with religious
slogans. Islam was invoked to mobilise the masses and attract the potential
voters. Songs like “Aei Mard-e-Mujahid
Jaag Zara, Ab Waqt Shahad Hae Aaya,” (O’ brave warriors, wake up, the moment to
achieve martyrdom has come) became popular in MUF’s election rallies.
Structure of MUF
The decision making body of MUF was Majlis-e-Muntazima
(Executive Council). Five people who became core members of ‘Majlis-e-
Muntazima’ included then Amir-e- Jam’aat Ghulam Mohammad Bhat, Qazi Nissar,
Molvi Abbas Ansari, Prof. Abdul Gani Bhat and Dr Qadir Wani. Governing body of
MUF consisted of over 15 members. Prof. Bhat also featured as MUF’s chief
spokesperson while Moulvi Abbas Ansari became its convener. On the ground, it
were the JeI and ISL sympathisers who helped MUF to organize and manage MUF’s
election campaign.
March 23, the
Election Day
The March 23, 1987 was chosen as the day for the elections
in Jammu and Kashmir. It is a mere coincidence that March 23 is also the
Pakistan Day. There was euphoria and jubilation all over and most Kashmiris
believed that MUF candidates would emerge triumphant.
However, it was not to be.
Many polling agents of MUF who now either are working in
government departments or have retired as senior government officials told me
that the 1987 election should never be taken as election rhetoric. It was a
strategy. The strategy was to reach out as many people as possible. MUF wanted
people to get educated about their political rights. And the election was the
best occasion to mobilise people.
In words of Altaf Ahmed Shah, March 23 was an anti-India day
in Kashmir.
Election Rigging
The elections were allegedly rigged. It was a ‘mass
rigging’. Many historians hold NC solely responsible for the “rigging”.
“Farooq Abdullah and the NC government were responsible for
rigging. They feared that MUF might win it big. Since 1947, NC has had a
formula of winning, they would only give five seats to the opposition, rig the
elections and form a government of their own. Dulat in his book has
categorically said that we would structure the elections in Kashmir which says
it all,” says Dr Javid Iqbal, a local commentator.
Former chief of the JeI Khwaja Mohammad puts blame squarely
on the police and army.
“Elections were always rigged in Kashmir. That’s why MUF
jumped into the election fray to provide genuine democracy to people. And
people overwhelmingly supported this movement, as they came out in record
numbers to cast votes. It was not the democracy, but monarchy (police and army)
that won the day. Massive rigging took place. Almost every single polling booth
was captured. Ali Mohammad Watali, the then DIG Police, was at the forefront in
this ‘tamasha’. Army supported him (Watali) in every possible way. Rajiv
Gandhi, then India’s Prime Minister, also gave it (rigging) a go ahead. On the
counting day, our (MUF) fate was sealed,” Mohammad says.
Echoing Dr Iqbal’s views, Altaf Ahmad Shah says that “the
statecraft of Delhi always foresees things in Kashmir. New Delhi had all the
data and profiles of MUF candidates and it (Delhi) knew if MUF came to power it
would not remain silent on the disputed nature of Kashmir. Delhi conspired
against us and rigged the election through agencies.”
Former DIG of J&K Police, Ali Mohammad Watali, refused
to make a comment.
However, National Conference’s general secretary Ali Mohammad
Sagar rfutes all allegations of election rigging.
“All the allegations of rigging are a myth created by Mufti
Mohammad Sayeed. Had we rigged the elections how come the MUF won four seats?
If there is any rigging in any assembly segment, there has to be some evidence
to support it. Was there any complaint registered in the court of law? How was
Syed Ali Geelani able to win his assembly seat? The allegations of rigging are
totally baseless and misleading,” asserts Sagar.
The result in the assembly constituency, Amira Kadal, from
where Mohammad Yusuf Shah alias Syed Salahudd fought elections created ripples.
Altaf Shah was the chief election campaigner for Yusuf Shah.
“Bemina Degree College was the counting centre. I am one of the witnesses regarding what
happened on the counting day. When counting started, Yusuf Shah was leading
round after round. He was way ahead of his immediate opponent, Mohi-ud-Din Shah.
Counting was still on, Yusuf Shah had a clear majority. But then a shocking
statement about Mohi-ud-Din’s victory was announced. I will not claim that we
would have won the majority, but MUF had the strength to form the government on
its own because there was a wave in favour of the MUF,” says Altaf Shah.
However, it was not only about Amira Kadal. Allegations of
enormous rigging were alleged and reported from other assembly segments as
well, for instance Kupwara.
“More than 10,000 votes were stolen from my polling booth in
Kupwara with the help of police and army. There was a total ‘Goonda Raj’ in my
constituency. There was no one to stop them. Mushtaq Lone, who was declared
winner in Kupwara, won with a margin of more than 2000 votes,” says Ashraf
Sehrai.
Hakeem Mohammad Jabbar was MUF’s candidate for Sonwar
assembly constituency. Mohammad Yusuf Hakeem, Jabbar’s brother, was polling
agent for his brother. He had a similar account to share.
“Ballot boxes were transferred from Hazratbal constituency
to Sonwar so that fake votes would be cast. National Conference’s Abdul Samad
Teli was eventually declared winner by a margin of 1200 votes,” says Hakeem.
Yasin Malik, presently chief of pro-independence Jammu and
Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and then polling agent of Yusuf Shah, also
shares his bitter experience of the 1987 elections.
“We took a rally from Maisuma Chowk. Yusuf Shah was leading
it and for the entire day we campaigned in Srinagar. On that very night many of
our members were arrested. Some of us went underground and campaigned for a
cause. On the counting day, 27 March 1987, NC’s sympathisers were counting fake
votes in favour of their candidate Mohi-ud-Din Shah. One of the polling booths
was at Convent School. Yusuf Shah was severely beaten, his clothes torn apart.
Then we proceeded to Saraibala booth. SSP Gill was present there. He fired upon
us and we rushed for safety, but Hameed, one of our colleagues, was caught. He
was taken to Shergari Police Station. It is on record that SSP Gill and
Mohi-ud-Din Shah themselves beat Hameed to pulp inside the police station. When
we reached to Bemina Degree College, the counting for Habakadal and Amirakadal
assembly segments was underway, but there too NC men were deployed. SSP Gill
had also reached there by that time. When I asked him what is happening, he
replied that ‘you are the most wanted man but I do not want to arrest you
inside a polling booth’. We protested and went to JeI’s Batamloo office.
Finally, on 3 April, I was arrested and sent to Red 16 Interrogation Centre.
And I was tortured there because of which my heart valve got severely damaged.
Subsequently, hundreds of other ISL activists were jailed and sent to Red 16
where they were brutally tortured,” says Malik.
Author Prof. Sumantra Bose in his book, ‘Contested Lands:
Israel–Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia, Cyprus, and Sri Lanka’ also admits that the
1987 elections were “blatantly rigged”.
“…The MUF evoked a significant popular response and acquired
an army of young volunteers who worked tirelessly in its campaign. Their
efforts and hopes came to nothing when the election was blatantly rigged by the
bureaucracy and police at the behest of the NC-Congress alliance, which won
sixty-two of the seventy-six seats at stake, while the MUF got just four,”
writes Dr Bose.
Curbing Political
Space
Two unfortunate
events changed Kashmir’s political landscape.
One, the hanging of
Mohammad Maqbool Bhat in February 1984. In the same year, Farooq Abdullah was
dismissed in a bizarre manner.
Two, the rigging in
1987 elections proved a catalyst for ‘secessionism’ in Kashmir.
Former JeI chief
Khwaja Bhat says that Jama’at’s Batamaloo office was raided and many MUF members
arrested.
“On the counting day,
our Batamaloo office was raided. Most of us were arrested, including Yusuf Shah
(Salahuddin), Prof. Bhat, Sheikh Mohammad Ashraf and others. However, Yasin
Malik managed to give police a slip in the first raid. I was sent to Reasi jail
and kept in solitary confinement,” he says.
The arrest spree continued for days together and most of the
activists of MUF were arrested, in violation of democratic process. The only
ones left unharmed were four winning candidates.
“All of us were arrested. Only the four MUF candidates who
were declared winners were let free. Polling agents and campaigners were
arrested and tortured,” he says.
Photojournalist Mohammad Ameen Pholu covered the 1987
elections for Urdu daily ‘Aftab’ and Pana Asia (Japanese Photo Agency). Pholu
captured the mood of the people through his lens.
“There was a wave in favour of the MUF. People wanted a
change and voted overwhelmingly for it. But why the MUF was not able to form
the government, only Allah knows,” he says.
The rigging and subsequent arrests pushed the dissenters to
start an armed struggle against India’s rule in Kashmir in 1988.
Non-violent separatist politics in Kashmir would take a
backseat until the emergence of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC) in
1993, a conglomerate comprising of more than 23 religious, social and political
groups committed to striving for Kashmir’s resolution through peaceful means.
About the incarceration of MUF activists, Dr. Bose argues in
his book that “a vindictive crackdown on the young men who had worked for the
MUF followed — many were incarcerated for months without charge or trial, and
some were tortured.”
Conclusion
If one goes by
popular belief, the MUF was expected to win between 25 to 30 assembly segments,
but won only four: Sopore, Home Shalibugh, Anantnag and Kulgam.
The alleged electoral
fraud meant that the there were no takers for Indian democracy in Kashmir.
Dr Javid Iqbal says
that “the people got disillusioned with Indian democracy and thought that democracy
might not be a solution to their problems. In despair, people lost all hope in
the democratic process.”
Some believe that had
India provided platform to the MUF, the chaos prevalent in Kashmir would not
have continued and perhaps democracy in Kashmir would have flourished. However,
it in no way implies that that the larger political question of Kashmir would
have ceased to exist.
Dr Sheikh Showkat Hussain, expert in International law,
believes that India’s former spymaster A S Dulat has clearly shown in his
recently released memoir how elections in Kashmir have always been managed by
New Delhi.
“Former R&AW chief, A S Dulat, has made everything clear
in his book, in which he writes that elections were always managed by New Delhi
right from 1952. The consequence of the rigging was eruption of militancy in
Kashmir.”
The larger question today to ponder over today is why New
Delhi failed to respect either the shroud-wearing Kashmiri politicians of 1987
or the gun-wielding Kashmiri militants of 1989? New Delhi by undermining
democratic processes in Jammu and Kashmir has only itself to blame.
Feedback at daanishnabi@gmail.com
Source: RK