State Funeral Eulogies
Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's Eulogy for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew
'Because he never wavered, we didn't falter. Because he fought, we took courage and fought with him.'
Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's eulogy at the University Cultural Centre
The Straits Times, 30 Mar 2015
THIS has been a dark week for Singapore. The light that has guided us all these years has been extinguished. We have lost our founding father Mr Lee Kuan Yew, who lived and breathed Singapore all his life. He and his team led our pioneer generation to create this island nation, Singapore.
Mr Lee did not set out to be a politician, let alone a statesman, as a boy. In fact, his grandfather wanted him to become an English gentleman! But events left an indelible mark on him. He had been a British subject in colonial Singapore. He had survived hardship, danger and fear in the Japanese Occupation. These drove him to fight for independence.
In one of his radio talks on the Battle for Merger many years ago in 1961, Mr Lee said: "My colleagues and I are of that generation of young men who went through the Second World War and the Japanese Occupation and emerged determined that no one - neither the Japanese nor the British - had the right to push and kick us around."
Mr Lee championed independence for Singapore through Merger with Malaya, to form a new Federation of Malaysia. He worked tirelessly to bring this about, and succeeded. Unfortunately the merger did not last and before long we were expelled from Malaysia. Separation was his greatest "moment of anguish", but it also proved to be the turning point in Singapore's fortunes.
From the ashes of Separation he built a nation. The easiest thing to do would have been to appeal to Chinese voters alone. After all, Singapore had had to leave Malaysia because we were majority Chinese. Instead, Mr Lee went for the nobler dream of a multiracial, multi-religious nation. Singapore would not be based on race, language or religion, but on fundamental values - multi-racialism, equality, meritocracy, integrity, and rule of law. Mr Lee declared: "This is not a country that belongs to any single community; it belongs to all of us."
He checked would-be racial chauvinists, and assured the minorities that their place here was secure. He insisted on keeping our mother tongues, even as English became our common working language. He encouraged each group to maintain its culture, faith and language, while gradually enlarging the common space shared by all. Together with Mr S. Rajaratnam, he enshrined these ideals in the National Pledge.
He kept us safe in a dangerous and tumultuous world. With Dr Goh Keng Swee, he built the SAF from just two infantry battalions and one little wooden ship, into a well-trained, well-equipped, well-respected fighting force.
He introduced national service, and personally persuaded parents to entrust their sons to the SAF. He succeeded, first because he led by example. His two sons did NS just like every Singaporean son. In fact my brother and I signed up as regulars on SAF scholarships. Secondly, people trusted Mr Lee, and believed in the Singapore cause. And today we sleep peacefully at night, confident that we are well protected.
Mr Lee gave us courage to face an uncertain future. He was a straight talker, and never shied away from hard truths, either to himself or to Singaporeans. His ministers would sometimes urge him to soften the tone of his draft speeches - even I would sometimes do that - to sound less unyielding to human frailties. And often he took in their amendments, but he would preserve his core message. "I always tried to be correct," he said, "not politically correct."
He was a powerful speaker: moving, inspiring, persuasive, in English and Malay - and by dint of a lifelong hard slog - in Mandarin and even Hokkien. MediaCorp has been broadcasting his old speeches on TV this week, reminding us that his was the original Singapore Roar: passionate, formidable and indomitable.
Above all, Lee Kuan Yew was a fighter. In crises, when all seemed hopeless, he was ferocious, endlessly resourceful, firm in his resolve, and steadfast in advancing his cause.
Thus he saw us through many battles: the Battle for Merger against the communists, which most people thought the non-communists would lose; the fight when we were in Malaysia against the communalists, when his own life was in danger; Separation, which cast us out into a hazardous world; and then the withdrawal of the British military forces from Singapore, which threatened the livelihoods of 150,000 people.
Because he never wavered, we didn't falter. Because he fought, we took courage and fought with him, and prevailed. Thus, Mr Lee took Singapore and took us all from Third World to the First.
In many countries, anti-colonial fighters and heroes would win independence and assume power, but then fail, fail at nation-building because the challenges of bringing a society together, growing an economy, patiently improving peoples' lives are very different from the challenges of fighting for independence, mobilising crowds, getting people excited, overthrowing a regime. But Mr Lee and his team succeeded at nation building.
Just weeks after Separation, he boldly declared that "10 years from now, this will be a metropolis. Never fear!" And indeed he made it happen. He instilled discipline and order - ensuring that in Singapore, every problem gets fixed. He educated our young. He transformed labour relations from strikes and confrontation to tripartism and cooperation. He campaigned to upgrade skills and raise productivity, calling it a marathon with no finish line.
He enabled his economic team - Goh Keng Swee, Hon Sui Sen, Lim Kim San - to design and carry out their plans to attract investments, grow the economy, and create prosperity and jobs. As he said, "I settled the political conditions so that tough policies could be executed."
However, Mr Lee was clear that while "the development of the economy is very important, equally important is the development of the nature of our society". So he built an inclusive society where everyone enjoyed the fruits of progress.
Education became the foundation for good jobs and better lives. HDB new towns sprung up one after another to house our people - Queenstown, Toa Payoh, Ang Mo Kio, to be followed by many more. We had roofs over our heads and we became a nation of home owners. With Mr Devan Nair in the NTUC, he transformed the union movement into a positive force, cooperating with employers and the Government to improve the lot of workers.
Mr Lee cared for the people whom he served, the people of Singapore. When Sars struck in 2003, he worried about taxi drivers, whose livelihoods were affected because tourists had dried up, and he pressed us hard to find ways to help them.
Mr Lee also cared for the people who served him. One evening just a few years ago he rang me up. One of my mother's WSOs (woman security officers) was having difficulty conceiving a child, and he wanted to help her. He asked me whether I knew how to help her to adopt a child. So Mr Lee was concerned for people not just in the abstract, but personally and individually.
Internationally, Mr Lee raised Singapore's standing in the world. Mr Lee was not just a perceptive observer of world affairs, but a statesman who articulated Singapore's international interests and enlarged our strategic space. At crucial turning points, from the British withdrawal "East of Suez" to the Vietnam War to the rise of China, his views and counsel influenced thinking and decisions in many capitals.
In the process, he built up a wide network of friends, in and out of power. He knew every Chinese leader from Mao Zedong and every US president from Lyndon Johnson. He established close rapport with President Suharto of Indonesia, one of our most important relationships. Others included Deng Xiaoping, Margaret Thatcher, Helmut Schmidt, George Shultz, as well as President Bill Clinton and Henry Kissinger, who we are honoured to have here this afternoon. They all valued his candour and insight.
As Mrs Thatcher said: "(Mr Lee) had a way of penetrating the fog of propaganda and expressing with unique clarity the issues of our times and the way to tackle them. He was never wrong." Hence, despite being so small, Singapore's voice is heard, and we enjoy far more influence on the international stage than we have any reason to expect.
Mr Lee did not blaze this path alone. He was the outstanding leader of an exceptional team - a team which included Goh Keng Swee, S. Rajaratnam, Othman Wok, Hon Sui Sen, Lim Kim San, Toh Chin Chye, Ong Pang Boon, Devan Nair, and quite a number more. They were his comrades, and he never forgot them. So it is very good that Mr Ong Pang Boon is here today to speak about Mr Lee later on. Thank you Mr Ong.
Mr Lee received many accolades and awards in his long life but he wore them lightly. When Mr Lee received the Freedom of the City of London in 1982, he said: "I feel like a conductor at a concert bowing to applause, but unable to turn around and invite the accomplished musicians in his orchestra to rise and receive the ovation for the music they have produced. For running a government is not unlike running an orchestra, and no Prime Minister ever achieves much without an able team of players."
Because he worked with a strong team and not alone, because people knew that he cared for them and not for himself, and because he had faith that Singaporeans would work with him to achieve great things, Mr Lee won the trust and confidence of Singaporeans. The pioneer generation, who had lived through the crucial years, had a deep bond with him. I once met a lady who owned a fried rice restaurant. She told me: "Tell Lee Kuan Yew I will always support him. I was born in 1948, and I am 48 years old (this was 1996). I know what he has done for me and Singapore." She and her generation knew that "gen zhe Li Guangyao zou bu hui si de" - if you follow Lee Kuan Yew, you will survive.
Mr Lee imbued Singapore with his personal traits. He built Singapore to be clean and corruption-free. His home was spartan. His habits were frugal. He wore the same jacket for years, and patched up the worn bits instead of buying new ones. He imparted these values to the Government. Even when old and frail on his 90th birthday, when he came to Parliament and MPs celebrated his birthday, he reminded them that Singapore must remain clean and incorruptible, and that MPs and Ministers had to set the example.
He pursued ideas with tremendous, infectious energy. He said of himself: "I put myself down as determined, consistent, persistent. I set out to do something, I keep on chasing it until it succeeds. That's all." This was how he seized opportunities, seeing and realising possibilities that many others missed.
So it was he who pushed to move the airport from Paya Lebar to Changi. It was he who rejected the then conventional wisdom that multi-national corporations (MNCs) were rapacious and exploitative, and he wooed foreign investments from MNCs personally to bring us advanced technology, to bring us overseas markets to create for us good jobs.
He was not afraid to change his mind when a policy was no longer relevant. When he saw that our birth rates were falling below replacement more than 30 years ago, he scrapped the "Stop at Two" policy and started encouraging couples to have more children.
Having upheld a conservative approach to supervising our financial sector for many years, he eventually decided to rethink and liberalise, in a controlled way. This was how Singapore's financial centre took off in a new wave of growth, to become what it is today. He was always clear what strategy to follow, but never so fixed to an old strategy as to be blind to the need to change course when the world changed.
Nothing exemplifies this better than water security, which was a lifelong obsession of his. He entrenched the PUB's two Water Agreements with Johor in the Separation Agreement, he personally managed all aspects of our water talks with Malaysia. He launched water-saving campaigns, he built reservoirs, and turned most of the island into water catchment to collect the rain, to process, to use.
He cleaned up the Singapore River and Kallang Basin. He dreamed of the Marina Barrage long before it became feasible, and persevered for decades until, finally, technology caught up and it became feasible and it became a reality and he lived to see it become a reality. When PUB invented Newater, and when desalination became viable, he backed the new technologies enthusiastically. The result today is Singapore has moved towards self-sufficiency in water, become a leader in water technologies, and turned a vulnerability into a strength.
So perhaps it's appropriate that today for his state funeral the heavens opened and cried for him.
Greening Singapore was another of his passions. On travels, when he came across trees or plants that might grow well here, he would collect saplings and seeds and hand carry them back home. He used the Istana grounds as a nursery, and would personally check on the health of the trees, not just in general but individual, particular trees. If they had names he would know their names. He knew the names or the scientific names. Singapore's Prime Minister was also the chief gardener of the City in a Garden.
He had a relentless drive to improve and continued to learn well into old age. At 70, to write his memoirs, he started learning how to use a computer. Every so often he would call me for help, and I would give him a phone consultation, talking him through the steps to save a file, or find a document which had vanished on his hard drive. And if he could not find me, he would consult my wife.
He made a ceaseless effort to learn Mandarin over decades. He listened to tapes of his teacher talking, conversing with him, every day, in the morning while shaving at home, in the evening while exercising at Sri Temasek. He kept up his Mandarin classes all his life. Indeed, his last appointment on Feb 4, before he was taken gravely ill early the next morning, was with his Mandarin tutor.
He inspired us all to give of our best.
He was constantly thinking about Singapore. At one National Day Rally in 1988 he declared "even from my sick bed, even if you are going to lower me into the grave and I feel something is going wrong, I will get up". And he meant that. Indeed, even after he left the Cabinet, he would still occasionally raise with me issues which he felt strongly about.
During the Budget Debate two years ago, almost exactly two years ago, MPs hotly debated the cost of living, public transport and so many other matters then preoccupying Singaporeans. Mr Lee felt that we had lost sight of the fundamentals that underpinned our survival. He e-mailed me. He sent me a draft speech. He told me that he wanted to speak in the Chamber, to remind Singaporeans of these unchanging hard truths. But I persuaded him to leave the task to me and my ministers. And he took my advice.
His biggest worry was that younger Singaporeans would lose the instinct for what made Singapore tick. This was why he continued writing books into his 90s - Bilingualism, Hard Truths, One Man's View Of The World - and at least one more guided by him still in the process of being written on the history of PAP. Why did he do this? So that a new generation of Singaporeans could learn from his experience, and understand what their security, prosperity, and future depended on.
One of Mr Lee's greatest legacies was preparing Singapore to continue beyond him. He believed that a leader's toughest job was ensuring succession. He systematically identified and groomed a team of successors. He made way for Mr Goh Chok Tong to become prime minister, but stayed on in Mr Goh's Cabinet to help the new team succeed. He provided stability and experience and quietly helped to build up Mr Goh's authority. He knew how to guide without being obtrusive, to be watchful while letting the new team develop its own style, its own authority. He described himself as a "mascot", but everyone knew how special this mascot was, and how lucky we were to have such a mascot.
It was likewise when I took over. Mr Goh became Senior Minister and Mr Lee became Minister Mentor, a title he felt reflected his new role, not in command, but advice not to be taken lightly. Increasingly he left the policy issues to us, but he would share with us his reading of world affairs, and his advice on major problems which he saw over the horizon. Some other prime ministers told me that they could not imagine what it was like to have two former PMs in my Cabinet. But I told them it worked, both for me and for Singapore.
For all his public duties, Mr Lee also had his own family. My mother was a big part of his life. They were a deeply loving couple. She was his loyal spouse and confidante - going with him everywhere, fussing over him, helping with his speeches, and keeping home and hearth warm. They were a perfect team and wonderful parents. When my mother died, he was bereft. He felt the devastating loss of a life partner, who, as he said, had helped him become what he was.
My father left the upbringing of the children largely to my mother. But he was the head of the family and cared deeply about us, both when we were small, and long after we had grown up. He was not demonstrative, much less was he touchy-feely, so not new age but he loved us deeply.
After my first wife Ming Yang died, my parents suggested that I tried meditation. They gave me some books to read, mindfulness, tranquillity meditation. I read the books but I did not make much progress. I think my father had tried meditation too, also not too successfully. His teacher told me later that when he told Mr Lee to relax, still his mind and let go he replied: "But what will happen to Singapore if I let go?"
When I had lymphoma, he suggested that I try meditation more seriously. He thought it would help me to fight the cancer. He found me a teacher and spoke to him personally and with a good teacher to guide me, I made better progress.
In his old age, after my mother died, my father started meditating again, and this time with help from Ng Kok Song, whom he knew from GIC. Kok Song brought a friend to see my father, a Benedictine monk who did Christian meditation. My father was not a Christian, but he was happy to learn from the Benedictine monk. He even called me to suggest that I meet the monk, which I did. He probably felt I needed to resume meditation too.
And to give you some context, this was a few months after the 2011 General Election. I was nearing 60 by then, and he was, by then, nearly 90. But to him I was still his son to be worried over, and to me he was still a father to love and appreciate, just like when I was small. So this morning, before the ceremonies began at Parliament House, we had a few minutes. I sat by him and meditated.
Of course, growing up as my father's son could not but mean being exposed to politics very early. I remember as a little boy, knowing that his constituency was Tanjong Pagar. I was proud of him becoming legal adviser to so many trade unions, and I was excited by the hubbub at Oxley Road whenever elections happened, and our home became the election office.
I remember when we were preparing to join Malaysia in the early 1960s, going along with my father on constituency visits - the "fang wen" tours he made to every corner of Singapore.
For him, it was backbreaking work, week after week, every weekend rallying the people's support for a supremely important decision about Singapore's future. For me, these were not just Sunday outings, but also an early political education.
I remember election night in 1963, the crucial general election when the PAP defeated the pro-communist Barisan Sosialis. My mother sent me to bed early, but I lay awake to listen to the election results until the PAP had won enough seats to form the Government again. And then I think fell asleep.
I remember the day he told me, while we were playing golf at the Istana, that should anything happen to him, he wanted me to look after my mother and my younger brother and sister.
I remember the night the children slept on the floor in my parents' bedroom at Temasek House in Kuala Lumpur, because the house was full of ministers who had come up from Singapore. Every so often my father would get up from the bed to make a note about something, before lying down to rest again. That was 7 August, 1965, two days before Separation.
Growing up with my father, living through those years with him, made me what I am.
This year is the 50th anniversary of Singapore's independence. We all hoped that Mr Lee would be present with us on August 9 to celebrate this milestone. More than anybody else, it was he who fought for multiracialism, which ultimately led to our independence as a sovereign republic. It was he who united our people, built a nation, and made the 50th anniversary worth celebrating. Sadly, it is not to be.
But we can feel proud and happy that Mr Lee lived to see his life's work come to fruition. At last year's National Day Parade, when Mr Lee appeared and waved, the crowd and he appeared on the big screen on the floating platform, the crowd gave him the most deafening cheer of the whole parade. Last November, the People's Action Party celebrated its diamond anniversary at the Victoria Concert Hall, where Mr Lee had founded the party 60 years ago. Party members were so happy to see that Mr Lee could be there, they gave him an arousing, emotional standing ovation. Those of us who were there will never forget it.
St Paul's Cathedral in London was built by Sir Christopher Wren. He was the architect of the cathedral, and he is buried in the cathedral which was his masterpiece., There is a Latin epitaph on his grave and it reads: si monumentum requiris, circumspice (If you seek his monument, look around you). Mr Lee Kuan Yew built Singapore. To those who seek Mr Lee Kuan Yew's monument, Singaporeans can reply proudly: "Look around you."
I said the light that has guided us all these years has been extinguished. But that is not quite so. For Mr Lee's principles and ideals continue to invigorate this Government and guide our people. His life will inspire Singaporeans, and others, for generations to come.
Mr Lee once said that "we intend to see that (Singapore) will be here a thousand years from now. And that is your duty and mine". Mr Lee has done his duty, and more. It remains our duty to continue his life's work, to carry the torch forward and keep the flame burning bright.
Over the past month, the outpouring of good wishes, prayers and support from Singaporeans as Mr Lee lay ill has been overwhelming, and even more so since he passed away on Monday.
People of all races from all walks of life, young and old, here and abroad, have mourned him. Hundreds of thousands queued patiently for hours in the hot sun and through the night to pay respects to him at the Parliament House.
I visited the queue on the Padang. Many Singaporeans, not so few non-Singaporeans who came out of deep respect and a sense of compulsion that here was a man they wanted to do honour to. Many more wrote heartfelt messages and took part in tribute ceremonies at community sites all over the island. Thousands of overseas Singaporeans gathered in our embassies and consulates to remember Mr Lee. And later in this funeral service, all of us in this hall, across our island and in far-flung and later in this funeral service all of us in this hall, across our island, and in far-flung lands will observe a minute a silence, say the National Pledge and sing Majulah Singapura together.
We have all lost a father. We grieve as one people, one nation. But in our grief, we've displayed the best of Singapore.
Ordinary people going to great lengths to distribute refreshments and umbrellas to the crowd and help one another in the queue late into the night. Citizen soldiers, Home Team officers, cleaners, all working tirelessly round the clock. Our shared sorrow has brought us together and made us stronger and more resolute.
We come together not only to mourn, we come together also to rejoice in Mr Lee Kuan Yew's long and full life and what he has achieved with us, his people in Singapore. We come together to pledge ourselves to continue building this exceptional country.
Let us shape this island nation into one of the great cities in the world reflecting the ideals he stood for, realising the dreams he inspired and worthy of the people who have made Singapore our home and nation.
Thank you, Mr Lee Kuan Yew. May you rest in peace.
President Tony Tan Keng Yam’s Eulogy for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew
“Every National Day, we looked forward to seeing Mr Lee. I remember vividly our National Day Parade two years ago. There had been some uncertainty about Mr Lee’s health. While I was waiting to enter the Floating Platform to officiate the Parade, suddenly I heard a huge cheer, a roar — the biggest that day. My staff informed me that Mr Lee had just made his entrance to take his seat. That roar captured the feelings of a nation, of all of us, towards Mr Lee. It rang with respect, affection, friendship and deep emotional attachment.
“It is not something that can be easily put into words. But I know that all Singaporeans, in their hearts, understand what I am talking about.”
Emeritus Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong’s Eulogy for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew
“After I stepped down as Prime Minister, we continued to lunch regularly. Our conversations never drifted far from his life’s work. We shared many common concerns, including the emerging trend of income stratification and social fragmentation. He worried about almost every aspect of Singapore. He never ceased sharing and I kept on learning.
“Once in a while, he showed his soft side. We talked about our families and health. After Mrs Lee’s death, I glimpsed how lonely and sad he was. Sadly, we had to discontinue our lunches in 2013 because of his health. Sadly, his physical health declined. Sadly, Mr Lee is gone.”
Mr Ong Pang Boon’s Eulogy for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew
Dedicated leader not afraid to implement unpopular policies
Excerpt from the eulogy by MR Ong Pang Boon, 86, Cabinet minister from 1959 to 1984, who led the ministries of Home Affairs, Education, Labour and the Environment
The Straits Times, 30 Mar 2015
THE first time I heard of Mr Lee Kuan Yew was during the 1952 postal workers' strike, when I was a student at the University of Malaya.
At the time, the English and Chinese papers reported widely on how this legal adviser representing the unions argued successfully against the colonial government for the unions' and workers' welfare.
Like many other young people, I was deeply impressed by this brilliant lawyer.
So when the People's Action Party decided to contest the 1955 election, I did not hesitate to support the PAP as a volunteer, and was assigned to be Mr Lee's election agent.
But after the election, my employer posted me to Kuala Lumpur, and I thought that was the end of my political involvement.
In 1956, Mr Lee was en route to Cameron Highlands for a holiday with his wife and elder son, and arranged to see me at the Kuala Lumpur Station Hotel.
To my surprise, he asked me to join the PAP as its organising secretary.
I was determined to join the battle for independence from colonial rule, and accepted his offer without a second thought and joined the march for change. I have never regretted that decision.
As the PAP's organising secretary, I had to work closely with Secretary-General Comrade Lee and other Exco members. This gave me a better understanding of Mr Lee.
He was a consummate and farsighted politician, maximising every opportunity to advance his political advantage and the PAP's interests.
Although English-educated, he understood that power rested with the pro-communist students from Chinese schools and the trade unions.
Hence, he was always worried that the PAP could be hijacked by the pro-communists.
We fought with the pro-communists several times in the early years. But we won because Mr Lee had the strong support of like-minded comrades like Dr Toh Chin Chye, Dr Goh Keng Swee and Mr S. Rajaratnam.
In 1959, the PAP won the general election on the back of the Chinese-educated voters of Singapore. I joined the first PAP Cabinet, with Mr Lee as Singapore's first Prime Minister.
He was a dedicated Prime Minister with broad perspectives. During Cabinet meetings, there would sometimes be differing views on certain issues but, after active discussion, he was able to accept alternative views and ideas.
I served in the Cabinet until 1984.
What struck me most about Mr Lee was his complete passion for Singapore. He spent every moment thinking of how he could improve Singapore and Singaporeans' lives.
Once he decided that a certain policy was in the interest of his beloved Singapore, he would implement it, even if it meant making himself unpopular.
Mr S Dhanabalan’s Eulogy for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew
He was an idealist at heart: Dhanabalan
By Lin Yanqin, TODAY, 30 Mar 2015
He held a reputation for being a “complete political pragmatist”, but Mr Lee Kuan Yew was an idealist “in a very deep sense”, said former Cabinet Minister S Dhanabalan.
Mr Lee, he said, was obsessed with not only what would work in Singapore, but what the feel and timbre of society should be, as illustrated by his approach to the language policy.
In a population comprising 75 per cent Chinese, the easiest way to ensure electoral support would have been to champion Chinese language and Chinese chauvinism. Instead, Mr Lee was convinced that for Singapore to be distinct, the Republic had to be multi-lingual with English as the main language of administration and commerce. At the same time, each racial group had to maintain its cultural identity with their mother tongues as a second language,
“To convert Chinese schools into national type schools and to push for Mandarin against Chinese dialects were the acts of an idealist not the acts of a pragmatist,” said Mr Dhanabalan, who was one of several former Cabinet Minister who delivered eulogies at Mr Lee’s state funeral service yesterday. Mr Dhanabalan, who was elected in 1976, held several portfolios as a minister including Foreign Affairs and National Development before he resigned in 1992.
Mr Lee is also sometimes seen as a hardhearted man, but certain decisions he made did not come easy to him, said Mr Dhanabalan. “On the few occasions he discussed privately with me the decision to act against someone, I know that he agonised over the decision,” he said. “He was convinced that a softhearted approach would undermine the ethos he wanted to embed deeply in public service.”
Mr Dhanabalan, who had resigned over disagreements with Mr Lee on the use of Internal Security Act in the 1987 “Marxist conspiracy” arrests, also said it was a myth that Mr Lee brooked no opposition.
“That was not my experience. He argued tirelessly to get Cabinet to accept his views not because it was the PM’s view but because of the strength of his arguments. I think he felt he had failed were he not able to convince his Cabinet colleagues,” he said.
He pointed out that when Mr Lee spoke as Prime Minister, he repeatedly sent drafts of his speeches to colleagues for their views. “The idea that he expected his team to follow him like a herd of sheep without question completely misrepresents the man and his values,” Mr Dhanabalan said.
Mr Sidek Saniff’s Eulogy for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew
Mr Lee Kuan Yew a fatherly character, says Sidek Saniff in eulogy
By Chew Hui Min, The Straits Times, 29 Mar 2015
SINGAPORE - Former Senior Minister of State Sidek Saniff shared stories of Mr Lee Kuan Yew's frugal habits in his eulogy to Singapore's first Prime Minister on Sunday.
A Member of Parliament since 1976, Mr Sidek was Senior Minister of State for Education when he stepped down in 2001.
He was surprised when Mr Lee asked him to stand as a candidate in the 1976 General Election, he revealed, as he had expressed differing views from the Government on education just a few years earlier.
"He was a tough taskmaster but always full of advice," he said.
In 1979, when Mr Sidek accompanied Mr Hon Sui Sen, then Minister of Finance, to China, Mr Lee asked him if he could take the cold Chinese winter, he said.
When he replied that he would buy an overcoat and boots, Mr Lee asked him to borrow them from his colleagues.
"So off I went to China with a borrowed overcoat and a borrowed pair of boots," Mr Sidek said in an emotional speech at the University Cultural Centre, which was delivered in Malay.
"Mr Lee believed in frugality, both in his personal life as well as nationally," he added.
"And he walked the talk. This episode is an example, and also showed his fatherly character and sharp eye for detail."
Mr Lee was "the embodiment of the term statesman - someone who comes along once every few decades to make an indelible mark on society and the world at large," he said.
Using a Malay pantun, or short poem, he spoke about Singaporeans' debt to Singapore's founding father.
"Monetary debts can be paid off, but debts of good deeds cannot be repaid. A person brings such debts to his grave," Mr Sidek said.
"Farewell my friend, farewell."
Mr Lee died aged 91 on March 23, and Sunday marks the end of a seven-day mourning period.
The funeral service at the cultural centre is attended by top leaders from more than 20 countries, family members and over 2,000 invited guests.
Ms Cassandra Chew’s Eulogy for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew
On behalf of young Singaporeans everywhere, thank you
Excerpt from the eulogy by Ms Cassandra Chew, 31, civil servant and former journalist with The Straits Times
The Straits Times, 30 Mar 2015
I DID not know Mr Lee Kuan Yew personally for most of my life. We met while I was on two assignments as a journalist - documenting his life at home and collecting photographs for a picture book for his 90th birthday.
I met him up close six times, for meetings and interviews, from July 2011. Most were large, formal meetings at the Istana. Naturally, I was on my best behaviour.
I didn't dare to say a word to him until my editor made me lead one of the interviews. He thought Mr Lee would enjoy the interaction with a younger Singaporean.
I was so nervous I could hear my heart pounding before the meeting, and actually felt a headache coming on. I braced myself to be peppered with questions on whether I was married, when I planned to have children or whether I spoke Mandarin often enough - questions Mr Lee was known to ask young Singaporeans he met.
But there was none of that during the 80-minute interview, which was focused on the beginnings of his political career. There was no room for nervousness either.
He came in, sat down and asked: "Who's going to start?" And with that, the interview began. As always, Mr Lee was focused on the task at hand.
Over time, I gained more glimpses of what he was like as a person. For instance, it was a thrill for me to learn from his oral history that he once failed an art exam in primary school. But that was, of course, a small blemish on his distinguished academic record. I also learnt that in his later years he craved his late mother's gado gado and mee siam which, thankfully, his sister, Madam Monica Lee, could replicate.
I made at least eight visits to 38 Oxley Road, where I went into all the rooms. But the only time I saw him at home was during our 20-minute photo shoot which began in his study, where he spent most of his time while at home.
He was in good spirits that day, dressed in a white, short-sleeved shirt, dark trousers and his trademark sports shoes.
It looked as if he had been going through his e-mail at his desk, which had newspapers, magazines, binders of papers and stationery, all neatly arranged.
It was clear that even at home, his focus was on his work. It didn't matter to him that his furniture was more than 60 years old and outdated. They served their purpose and that was all that mattered.
That was how he lived his life: very simply and frugally, and always putting the country first and his own creature comforts second.
We moved to the living room, which was also a very private space because it was where the late Mrs Lee was remembered. Her photographs were displayed in two rows above her urn, and I was told Mr Lee would gaze at them daily as he had his meals.</d