Warnings and ultimatums put HK on the edge
HK leader says he will not resign, points out social costs of protests
By Li Xueying, Hong Kong Correspondent, The Straits Times, 1 Oct 2014
AHEAD of the 65th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China today, protest organisers in control of major roads in the city were demanding that Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun Ying resign, or face the prospect of an escalation of protests.
They also want "public nomination", that is, the right for the people to nominate the chief executive candidates in the 2017 election instead of having them being vetted by a nominating committee, as is stipulated under the Basic Law.
An ultimatum for Mr Leung to show up last night to meet the protesters came and went.
A rumoured police crackdown to clear protest sites ahead of today's public holiday had also not materialised by press time.
What did arrive last night instead were yet more people, their enthusiasm not doused by a thundery storm at night. They popped open the colourful brollies they had at hand to guard against tear gas and pepper spray, earning the movement the moniker of "Umbrella Revolution".
Meanwhile, a sober-faced Mr Leung made his first public remarks since the crisis - the worst civil unrest Hong Kong has experienced since its 1997 handover from British rule - erupted over the weekend.
He would not be resigning, he indicated yesterday, saying that "any personnel change before universal suffrage is achieved can be done only via choosing a leader under the existing Election Committee model".
Beijing will also not change its mind on political reform in Hong Kong as a result of such street tactics, he added.
Upping the ante for the civil disobedience movement, Mr Leung made clear its social costs, saying the road blockades are affecting the city's emergency services and that there are delays in getting medical help to patients.
In a separate press briefing, the police said paramedics had to take the subway at one point. "The longest we've been delayed was 43.5 minutes," said Deputy Chief Fire Officer Leung Wai Hung.
As street protests entered the third day, the Chief Executive said Hong Kong's economy and international reputation were being affected. The protests could "last for quite a long period of time", he warned, and the price on Hong Kong will be "higher and higher".
Meanwhile, Taiwan's President Ma Ying-jeou added his own words of caution by saying that China risked alienating the island's people and damaging relations if it failed to respond with a "delicate hand" to pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong.
"If the mainland authority can handle this appeal with a delicate hand, it can help to shorten the mental gaps between people across the Taiwan Strait and benefit cross-strait relations," he said. "Otherwise, it could serve to alienate Taiwanese people and cause damage to cross-strait relations."
British Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg said he will summon China's ambassador to London over the protests in Hong Kong to express "dismay and alarm" about the refusal to grant free elections.
While most shops that had closed on Monday reopened for business yesterday, bus and tram routes through the affected roads remain diverted. Access points through buildings were also shut.
Chief Executive Leung called on the Occupy Central organisers to halt the sit-in, saying that it is now out of control.
But Occupy Central co-organiser Chan Kin Man claimed it was the government that had aggravated the situation, with the police's "heavy-handed tactics".
Earlier in the day, rumours swirled that the police could be preparing to move in again, prompting the protesters to prepare makeshift barricades by stacking filled garbage bags.
Singapore, the United States and Australia have issued travel notices.
A 'symbolic' statement on eve of China's national day
Protesters hang tight to make their demand for universal suffrage
By Tan Hui Yee In Hong Kong, The Straits Times, 1 Oct 2014
WITH bus services suspended, the young people of Hong Kong packed its subway before spilling out into its central business district.
They were dressed in black, armed with bottled water and brimming with hope - joining the Occupy Central protests to try to force Beijing to allow their city universal suffrage. They did not know how long they were going to stay on the streets. But they were not budging last night.
"Tomorrow is China's national day," said film studies graduate Chow Hiu Tung, 22, as she held out yellow ribbons to the streams of protesters walking past yesterday. It was symbolic that they were occupying the streets and making aloud their demand to elect a leader of their choice, she said, as China began its week- long holiday to celebrate the founding of the People's Republic of China.
In the financial district of Admiralty, where police fired tear gas at protesters on Sunday, volunteers sat on the tarmac amid piles of surgical masks and bottled water, some drenching towels in buckets of water to ward off the sting in case of another such attack.
Chief Executive Leung Chun Ying, in his first remarks since the police's use of tear gas on Sunday, yesterday dismissed talk that the People's Liberation Army or mainland police would be called in to control the swelling crowds.
But he accused the protesters of blocking emergency services, damaging the economy and tarnishing the financial hub's global image. "Occupy Central founders had said repeatedly that if the movement is getting out of control, they would call for it to stop," he said. "I'm now asking them to fulfil the promise they made to society and stop this campaign immediately."
His call rang empty on the streets of Admiralty.
Banners and makeshift signs were hung from overhead bridges and taped onto barricades, showing defiant messages.
"Stop suppressing us, we will never compromise!"
"The government has died, but our spirit has not died."
Many who had turned up pitched in to make the street occupation more comfortable. Volunteers sprayed mist into the crowd from small plastic bottles. Others walked down the streets, offering slices of bread and biscuits. Several traders from New York-based brokerage BGC Partners grilled sausages for the hungry demonstrators. A man sat patiently on the road divider, clutching a backpack and holding a handwritten sign that read - "(Mobile phone) charging: Three ports."
Despite the efforts, the conditions remained difficult, with some complaining that they had to cut down their water intake because toilets were far away.
Some older protesters seemed more fervent. Mr Lam Wan Yui, 71, who turned up with his wife to support his children and grandson who had been taking part in the protests, said he would show up every day until Mr Leung steps down. The couple, who moved here from the mainland in 1968, were undaunted by the chance that a prolonged occupation could provoke a violent crackdown by the authorities. "Even if I die, I will not let the Communist Party completely rule this place," said Mr Lam's wife Hui Sik, 65.
A clap of thunder was followed by a sudden downpour after dark, causing some among the crowd to flee for shelter.
But most refused to budge, shouting "Hong Kong, fight on!" under a sea of umbrellas.
Beijing unlikely to compromise even on lesser demands
By Li Xueying, Hong Kong Correspondent, The Straits Times, 1 Oct 2014
"AS THE storm swirls around us, hold on tight to our freedom."
Scrawled on a banner, the emotive lyrics by popular Hong Kong rock band Beyond form an encouragement to student protesters to dig in their heels, never mind the heat, fatigue and parents.
For many of them, the word "freedom" resonates deeply. In the current context, it means Hong Kong's freedom from Beijing's political influence, and retaining its identity against the onslaught of China's investors, tourists and students.
"Hong Kong is changing, step by step," says business administration student Shirley Wong, 21. "It's time for us to take it back."
With protesters' emotions running so high, the authorities, in wanting them to go home, are giving a tall order.
For some protesters, the resignation of Chief Executive Leung Chun Ying might be enough. This is especially so for those who had joined the initial group of pro- democracy supporters after being infuriated by what they decry as heavy-handed actions by the police, including the use of tear gas on Hong Kongers - the first time since riots rocked the city in 1967.
But many others are die-hard idealists who say they will not go home until they achieve their ultimate goal of "genuine democracy" - that is, public nomination instead of having a pro-Beijing nominating committee vet chief executive candidates.
"Even if CY steps down, there will be a second CY sent here by Beijing," says salesman Chifa Lee, 22, referring to Mr Leung. "It is best we get the maximum we can, given that we have some power on the streets now."
Some, however, want to go further. Says design student Tat Lou, 23: "I hope Hong Kong can break away from China's orbit and decide on its own future. I hope for Hong Kong's independence."
To achieve that, he is ready for violence, bloodshed - even death.
It may be just bravado speaking. But up against such youthful intransigence is a Beijing that is just as intractable.
The central government, say analysts, will not compromise even on lesser demands, including the stepping down of key officials such as Mr Leung or Beijing's representative here, Liaison Office director Zhang Xiaoming.
"That is tantamount to confessing that they were wrong," says China watcher Johnny Lau.
This means the possibility of a showdown cannot be ruled out, says analyst Willy Lam. Such a development could occur in the early hours of Friday, he suggests, when Hong Kong resumes work after two days of holiday, for National Day and Chung Yeung Festival.
"For Beijing, control is paramount," he explains. "It will rather lose face and risk the world's condemnation by using force against students, than risk losing control of Hong Kong."
Such talk inevitably evokes images of the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989, when People's Liberation Army tanks rolled onto the streets of Beijing. Many see historical parallels in what is happening on the streets of Hong Kong today.
It does not help when China's state-owned media fans the flames, such as when the nationalistic Global Times publishes an article suggesting that China's armed police could cross the border if the Hong Kong police cannot control the situation.
But could a drastic crackdown like Tiananmen really happen in Hong Kong?
It is really anyone's guess. But it bears remembering that the Hong Kong of 2014 is different from the Beijing of 1989.
Hong Kong is far away from the heart of China. The situation now is unlike that of Beijing students protesting near the doorsteps of Zhongnanhai - the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) headquarters - which had the potential to reverberate across the country. In that sense, whatever threat the Hong Kong students pose is relatively diffused and does not directly threaten the core of the CCP's power.
For now, what appears to be an emerging strategy for the Hong Kong government is to try to turn society against the protesters' actions. This was evident in the two press conferences held by Mr Leung and the police yesterday, when they lay the blame for emergency service disruptions, economic costs and public disorder on the protesters.
Whether it will work is another question.
Defiant protesters bring parts of HK to a standstill
They vow to stay until decision on constitutional reform is reversed
By Li Xueying, Hong Kong Correspondent, The Straits Times, 30 Sep 2014
SWATHES of Hong Kong remained paralysed, with protesters unmollified by the government's gesture of withdrawing riot police.
In the worst political crisis in recent history, tens of thousands of people occupied the streets, vowing to stay "as long as it takes" to get Beijing to reverse its decision on the city's constitutional reform.
But Chief Secretary Carrie Lam yesterday ruled out such a possibility, calling it "unrealistic".
Black-clad protesters, mainly students, last night packed Harcourt Road and Connaught Road in Admiralty, all the way to the financial district of Central, in a largely peaceable sit-in.
They also occupied sections of residential area Wan Chai, shopping mecca Causeway Bay as well as Mongkok in Kowloon.
It was not just anger over Beijing's tough rules, which will restrict the choice of Hong Kong's chief executive to candidates who meet its approval, that drove the protesters. The use of tear gas by the police on Sunday appears to have backfired and brought many out onto the streets.
Student Solar Lau, 15, who joined the protesters yesterday after seeing the developments on television, cried as she spoke to The Straits Times: "How could they do this to us? We did nothing wrong. We just want the government to listen to our voices.
"Hong Kong is sick, seriously sick."
Hong Kong police said "minimum force" was used, and that warning was given before tear gas was unleashed.
Yesterday, the government sent negotiators to engage the protesters but they were jeered at by the crowds.
"Go, go, go, go," the protesters chanted.
The protests resulted in some 200 bus services being diverted or suspended. The tram service was halted. Also closed to traffic were roads such as Queensway and Cotton Tree Drive in front of skyscrapers like Lippo Centre and Cheung Kong Centre.
The Hong Kong Monetary Authority announced the temporary closure of branches of 17 banks in affected areas. DBS shut its branch in Admiralty.
Companies like Singapore Airlines, which has an office in Admiralty, were also affected. Employees were told to work from home or from the airport, affecting ticketing counter service.
There were fears that tourism and retail trade could be hit, as China's Golden Week begins tomorrow.
Stocks were sharply down at the open, reflecting investor jitters. Analysts are, however, sanguine about any lasting impact with the Standard & Poor's agency predicting "minimal credit implications in the short term".
But all this depends on how protracted the crisis could be. Pundits believe the government will let them stay on till at least Thursday, the day after China's National Day. Both are public holidays.
Already, the celebratory fireworks show tomorrow has been cancelled "in view of the latest situation".
This means that Hong Kongers will not get to see the skies light up with this year's most highly anticipated design which sketches out the words "zhong guo ren" - or "Chinese people" - in simplified Chinese characters.
VIEW FROM BEIJING
Gag order shows Beijing has serious concerns: Analysts
But it is unlikely to respond with hardline tactics just yet, they say
By Kor Kian Beng, China Bureau Chief, In Beijing, The Straits Times, 30 Sep 2014
A GAG order on Chinese media outlets not to report on the unprecedented tumult in Hong Kong's pro-democracy protests reflects Beijing's serious concerns, say analysts, though they believe it will not resort to hardline actions yet.
Beijing's anxieties over the chaotic launch of the Occupy Central movement in the financial hub were revealed by reports that picture-sharing service Instagram had been blocked on the mainland from Sunday.
"Certainly, the central government is concerned and hoping that the majority of the Hong Kong people will stand up against the troublemakers and protect the city's prosperity," Renmin University analyst Zhang Tongxin told The Straits Times.
Reflecting the sensitivities, some mainland analysts contacted by The Straits Times declined to comment on the situation.
Protesters are demanding that Beijing reverses its rules for the 2017 Chief Executive election, which essentially allow only candidates approved by Beijing to stand.
Amid the restricted reporting, state-run Global Times and China Daily, in strongly worded editorials yesterday, derided the Occupy Central movement as being a futile attempt in overturning China's rules for the 2017 election and accused "political extremists" of damaging Hong Kong's global image.
Sun Yat-sen University analyst Zhou Pingxue downplayed any concerns over the protests. He told The Straits Times that Beijing has already made clear its Hong Kong policy will not change and that it will back the Hong Kong government in its handling of the situation - a point reiterated by Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Hua Chunying at a regular briefing yesterday.
Some commentators believe that a more hardline response from Beijing - including deployment of mainland anti-riot police to Hong Kong if protests escalate - is a possible scenario, in the light of President Xi Jinping's recent pledge to uphold the mainland's policy towards the financial hub.
"Even though Hong Kong is governed by the Basic Law, there won't be any legal barrier if the situation changes and there is a need for the anti-riot police to be deployed there," wrote Professor Wang Qiang at the College of Armed Police, in a commentary published yesterday.
But Prof Zhang said Beijing will not resort to such tough measures so as to avoid escalating the situation and more importantly, fuelling concerns in Taiwan.
Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou said in an interview published yesterday that the "Taiwanese people are paying close attention to the events in Hong Kong and hopes Hong Kong and China can come to a mutually acceptable solution on democracy".
China sees the "one country, two systems" model for Hong Kong as being applicable, too, for Taiwan in a tiered process towards reunification.
"The central government knows it has to show wisdom and capability in handling the Hong Kong situation because Taiwan is watching," Prof Zhang said.
VIEW FROM HONG KONG
Current unrest raises fears of more political conflicts to come
By Li Xueying, Hong Kong Correspondent, The Straits Times, 30 Sep 2014
ABOVE the sea of black-clad youth massing on the roads of Admiralty, Hong Kong's famous glass and steel skyscrapers soar, as indomitable as ever.
While some of their offices and shops were empty yesterday - some companies asked their staff to work from home - expectations are that Hong Kong's well-oiled economy will be able to manage the impact of the protests, and continue to chug along.
The worry, rather, is the increasing political conflicts that seem inevitable, even after the current situation passes.
Beijing is likely to see Hong Kong as a delinquent child, and will punish it by exerting tighter control than ever, say analysts.
This sets it on a collision course with a generation of young Hong Kongers that surprised some the past weekend with their passion and stamina in protesting against the establishment.
"A new factor has appeared in the Hong Kong political equation - and that's people who can stand up to intimidation and be counted," says Hong Kong-based China watcher Willy Lam.
On what the two trends mean for Hong Kong's future, he acknowledges: "It sounds like a recipe for disaster."
Adds analyst Johnny Lau: "There will be more conflicts. Governance will become harder."
This is a scenario that Beijing is aware of, he believes.
Indeed, if it did not in the past, it should have realised by now that its hardline approach towards Hong Kong by leaving little room for discussion in its deci-sion on the city's constitutional reform had added fuel to the situation.
But, Mr Lau says: "To Beijing, it is not a problem.
"Hong Kong still has some economic value to Beijing. But it is just not as important as before."
Just as sobering is what the events over the weekend mean for many Hong Kongers - for both protesters and non-protesters.
One thing that emerges from numerous interviews is a belief that the clashes on Sunday between police and protesters were a visceral representation of the "failure" of the "one country, two systems" policy which guarantees Hong Kong a "high degree of autonomy".
Says Ms Kathy Kwan, 25, a band manager: "We need more independence from Beijing; a government that really listens to us and understands what we are talking about."
In particular, there is deep disillusionment with the Hong Kong government and what many decry as "heavy-handed" tactics by the police, such as the use of tear gas.
Law postgraduate student Ada Lee, 30, who is not participating in the student movement, says that she had originally blamed "radical democrats", including the Occupy Central organisers, for playing a game of brinkmanship with Beijing, and pushing the matter to "such a situation".
"But after the government used tear gas on the students, my heart broke."
Restoring the trust will clearly be an uphill task for the government - one among many.
HK leader won't budge amid calls for reform
Candidates need Beijing's approval, but 'system can be improved after 2017'
By Li Xueying Hong Kong Correspondent, The Straits Times, 29 Sep 2014
HONG Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun Ying has rejected calls by pro-democracy activists for his government to restart the constitutional reform process, saying that this would be neither reasonable nor constructive.
He called on the different segments of society to "bear in mind" that "Hong Kong is a democracy within the concept of one country, two systems". This means that whatever the method of selecting the Chief Executive, the candidate requires the appointment of the central government in Beijing.
"This step is not common in other jurisdictions," he noted during a press conference yesterday, in an oblique reference to calls for Hong Kong to abide by "universal standards" of universal suffrage.
His remarks will not mollify the angry protesters now paralysing the city's roads in Admiralty and Wan Chai. The Occupy Central movement has demanded that Beijing retract its decision on Hong Kong's electoral system and that the entire process of constitutional reform be restarted.
On Aug 31, China's legislature, the National People's Congress, laid down strict rules on how Hong Kongers can elect their Chief Executive in 2017, which effectively meant candidates must be approved by Beijing.
Yesterday, Mr Leung argued that restarting the process will take a long time and could mean that Hong Kong will not be able to enact the necessary legislation in time for 2017.
He urged: "What we will have may not be compatible with different individuals' ideals. But it's better than what we have now, much better."
Hong Kong's leader is currently selected by a small circle of 1,200 members, mainly Beijing loyalists and vested interests' representatives. Under the new rules, a similar committee will vet candidates before the public is allowed to cast their votes. This is harsher than what even moderates on the political spectrum had hoped for.
Mr Leung held out the carrot that there could be room for further improvements to the system after 2017 if the people want, noting that there is "nothing in the Basic Law to prevent that".
But with trust in the Hong Kong and Beijing governments appearing to have broken down irrevocably, such calls for the pro-democracy camp to accept what is currently on the table appear futile, for now. Any proposal must get the support of two-thirds of Hong Kong's Legislative Council - which means that at least five pan-Democrat lawmakers must endorse it.
Social work academic Terry Lum, 50, who joined the protesters yesterday and is ready to be arrested, termed Beijing's rules "injustice". "We have been forced into this situation. Now, what we must do is not about getting results, but about inflicting maximum pain on the other side."
Hong Kong democracy protests turn violent
Cops fire tear gas; lockdown imposed on area around govt headquarters
By Li Xueying Hong Kong Correspondent, The Straits Times, 29 Sep 2014
THE heart of Hong Kong turned into a battlefield last night, with riot police facing off with enraged protesters.
At press time, the roads of Admiralty - known for its glittering office skyscrapers - remained a surreal landscape, with plumes of smoke and intermittent explosions as officers in gas masks fired volleys of tear gas into the crowd.
But the defiant demonstrators, many of them students, remained on the streets, calling for the resignation of Chief Executive Leung Chun Ying.
Some moved westward to the financial hub of Central and some eastward into the residential district of Wan Chai and others, resulting in stoppages of bus and tram services in both areas.
At 10.40pm, the police imposed a lockdown on the area around the government headquarters in Admiralty.
In Beijing, a central government spokesman said it "firmly opposes all illegal activities that could undermine rule of law and jeopardise social tranquillity".
The tumult began shortly before 4pm, when hundreds of thousands of protesters proved too much for the police and swarmed into Harcourt Road and Connaught Road Central, next to the government headquarters.
Traffic on the two major arteries leading to Central and the airport was brought to a standstill.
Armed with umbrellas, goggles and plastic raincoats, the protesters charged repeatedly at police manning security barriers, undeterred by the sting of pepper spray used copiously on them.
At one point, police officers were seen using batons to hit those who came at them with umbrellas. "Police hit students!" roared the crowd, as the injured were stretchered away.
The violence broke out on the first day of Occupy Central, a civil disobedience movement to paralyse the roads and agitate for greater democracy. Its organisers had intended it to be a peaceful exercise, and one of them, Mr Benny Tai, last night admitted the situation was spiralling out of control.
It was also the climax of a tense weekend that began when students broke into the government compound last Friday night, leading to scuffles with the police that included the use of pepper spray. A total of 74 were arrested.
The protesters are angered by Beijing's announcement on Aug 31, which laid down strict rules on the city's chief executive election in 2017, essentially precluding pro-democracy candidates from running.
They are demanding Beijing rescind its decision and that the constitutional reform process be restarted.
Yesterday, Mr Leung, in his first remarks on the crisis, said his government is "resolute in opposing the unlawful occupation actions by Occupy Central".
With heavy rumours circulating that the People's Liberation Army (PLA) may move in to restore order, both the Hong Kong and Beijing governments stressed that the city was capable of holding the fort.
In a statement last night, the Hong Kong government emphasised that it has no intention of seeking help from the PLA.
A spokesman for China's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office said the central government fully supports the Hong Kong government's handling of the matter in accordance with the law.
For now, though, protesters are determined to fight on. Said student Ting Leung Sun, 26: "We have nothing to lose, and we have nothing to be afraid of."
HK's march of youthful idealism
Younger generation of politicised, angrier student activists insists on democratic ideals
By Li Xueying Hong Kong Correspondent, The Sunday Times, 28 Sep 2014
Bespectacled and with toothy smiles, students Jolly Lam, 21, Clare Wong, 20, and Phoenix Ng, 21, quiver like a trio of shy rabbits.
In a low whisper, Ms Lam - a Chinese Studies undergraduate who wants to be a teacher - confides that she never, ever, skips classes. Except for last week.
What comes next is even more shocking. "I am willing to be arrested and jailed for any civil disobedience action if the government tries to introduce Article 23 again," she says, referring to a national security law shelved in 2003 after a protest march by half a million Hong Kongers. It would require the city to prohibit acts of "treason, secession, sedition, or subversion", and could, say, ban any group banned in mainland China.
Ms Lam and her friends were taking part in a week-long boycott of classes to protest against what activists denounce as "sham democracy". Last month, Beijing announced strict rules for the 2017 chief executive race, essentially restricting the contest to candidates it approves of.
On a Wednesday morning, hundreds of university students were sprawled out over the lush green of the Tamar Park next to the government headquarters in Admiralty. The air was almost carnival-like but for a lecture by Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) academic Edward Yiu on the link between cronyism and the city's housing woes.
Things however turned ugly on Friday night when over 100 students broke into the government compound, while thousands remained outside. Scuffles broke out between the police and protesters, with pepper spray and warnings failing to disperse the students. At least six have been arrested, including the leader of the Scholarism activist group Joshua Wong.
Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) secretary-general Alex Chow, 24, reportedly admitted that the action was pre-planned.
In Hong Kong's ongoing and deeply polarising battle for constitutional reform, students filled with youthful idealism and righteous rage have been at the forefront, often even moving ahead of older, more cautious activists.
On July 1, for instance, they went ahead with a mini-Occupy Central exercise in Chater Road despite the Occupy organisers' preference to wait until they had heard the decision from Beijing. More than 500 were arrested for illegal assembly, and obstructing the police.
The youth are Hong Kong's post-1990s generation, aged 24 and below, who grew up after the 1997 handover from British colonial rule to China. Their push for a bigger say in the city's affairs is often channelled through associations such as the HKFS - comprising university union members - and Scholarism, led by secondary school students.
Student activism is not new to Hong Kong.
In 1971, HKFS members were arrested for illegal demonstrations over the disputed Diaoyu Islands. Two years later, students staged an illegal sit-in to criticise the British government for its failure to tackle rampant corruption.
Students were also involved in advocating for the rights of the Yau Ma Tei boat people, who were living in overcrowded conditions. Among them was Professor Lui Tai Lok, now a Hong Kong University (HKU) sociologist, who recalls being arrested on a bus for illegal assembly en route to a protest at Government House.
In 2010, the post-1980s label came into vogue when young activists protested against the building of a high-speed railway linking Hong Kong to the mainland.
Now, an even younger, more politicised and angrier wave has appeared at the fore.
While protests in Hong Kong remain largely peaceful, confrontations have become more commonplace. In June, a melee broke out when protesters tried storming the Legislative Council building over New Territories town plans.
Prof Lui, who has written a book on Hong Kong's previous four generations, muses: "Nowadays, there are more angry young people who want to do something, and who are engaging in a lot of expressive actions."
Much of this stems from deep disenchantment with what Mr Chow terms a "twisted" political system that represents the interests of Beijing and businesses rather than those of the people.
In an earlier interview with Think, Mr Chow, a student of comparative literature and sociology at HKU, believes "street politics is more effective; it can generate pressure on the government".
He adds: "Violence can be justified at times."
Such sentiments are borne out by a study last year by the Ideas Centre, a research centre in the city, which polled more than 1,000 post-90ers and found that compared with their predecessors, they had greater distrust of authority, including the government and mainstream political parties.
Many respondents believed that protests, rallies and hunger strikes could empower people and bring about change, and that behaviour such as hurling objects or cursing at establishment figures, could help draw the public's attention. More than three-quarters of those polled said they believed disputes and conflicts were inevitable but they were optimistic that "if we fight back, it is possible to effect change".
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