2013-07-16

The Somali Federal Government’s (SFG) stand towards Jubbaland State (JLS) is crystal clear: Oppose and abolish the Jubbaland process at all costs. So why does the government so furiously oppose this state? According to a marquee government talking point, “the SFG is opposed to this process in order to ensure transparency and inclusiveness –in particularly, to indemnify equal minority participation.” In other words, the government is determined to protect and insure minority rights and fair power distribution amongst the tribes in Jubbaland. The government must be commended for fighting for the little man; after all, that is why a government is necessary- to represent the unrepresented and to protect the vulnerable and unprotected. The Federal Government is indeed willing to jettison an outcome born from the will of the Jubbaland people with a system that has been in the works for half a decade, with an objective to insuring fair representation.

Who are those minorities in the JLS that the Federal Government is unfalteringly protecting, and how well are those minorities represented at the Federal level? These tribes include: Auramale, Bajuni, Tuni, Garjan, and Wardey, among others. To impartially evaluate the SFG’s fairness, one must examine the number of ministers, ambassadors, permanent secretaries and army commanders justly represented by those same tribes in the SFG. Based on public data, these tribes are underrepresented at the Federal level. As a matter of fact, some of them do not even have a single member in the Federal Parliament, let alone any other post. If the government is primed to rescind an entire system and instigate hundreds of human casualties in order to insure equality and fairness for those who have no voice, why not give them their fair share at the Federal level. This is clear hypocrisy! In truth, the president and his cronies are only interested in advancing their own personal and selfish agendas.
Background of the Jubbaland Process

The process of forming the Jubbaland State was underway prior to the current Somali Federal Government. This process started during the late President Mr. Yusuf’s government, and has continued ever since. On April, 2011, the announcement of a newly formed autonomous state named “Azania,” led by the former Somali defense minister, expert anthropologist, and historian, Professor Mohamed Abdi Mohamed (Gandhi), was celebrated in Nairobi which later became “Jubbaland”. When Mr. Hassan Sheik Mohamud, the current Somali President, came to power, most of the Gedo, Lower and Middle Jubba regions were under the control of Al-Qaida linked Somali Islamists known as “Al-Shabab”.

Mr. Mohamud was in power as the Kenyan defense forces, Raskianboni brigades and locally recruited Somali Militias, trained by the Kenyan army liberated these regions. According to the Jubbaland Technical Committee, hundreds died during this liberation in order to drive away Al-Shabab from major cities, including the port city of Kismayo. Mothers and fathers lost their loved ones, wives were widowed and children were orphaned. Parallel to this liberation was the grassroots process to form an administration comprised of the communities inhabiting these regions, through dialogue and reconciliation. Steering this process was the Inter-Continental Authority on Development (IGAD), supported by the elders and intellectuals from these regions. The people of the JLS collectively signed on and accepted the formation of the JLS as a unification of the three above mentioned regions into a single state under the Federal Government. Factions from different groups were enlisted to lead the process; they later became the Jubbaland Road Map signatories.
Conflict between SFG & JLS

In February 2013, more than 800 delegates convened in Kismayo to attend the opening of a conference intended to discuss and plan the creation of a Jubbaland constitution and flag, and to ultimately, elect the President and members of its Parliament. A technical committee chaired by Ma’alin Mohamed Ibrahim was established, along with several sub-committees, whose purpose was to lead and oversee the process. The conference was attended by all Jubbaland inhabitants, including high profile Somali politicians and over 80 members of the Somali Federal Parliament.

Despite this popular support, the Somali Federal Government never contributed to the cause. To the contrary, when the people of the JLS liberated their homes and formed a state administration compliant with the newly adopted Somali Federal constitution, the SFG refused to recognize and cooperate with the elected leaders of the JLS. Mogadishu dispatched frequent delegates to the city of Kismayo, intended to disrupt and divide the bonded Jubbaland people. Furthermore, the SFG launched high value target attacks aimed at neighboring Kenya and Ethiopia, as well as the Jubbaland conference and process. The delegates consisted of ministerial level leaders, as well as Parliamentarians, namely Mr. Guuleed, the Interior Minister; Mr. Fiqi, the Defense Minister; and Mr. Hoosh, a Member of the Federal Parliament and a former Minister of Constitution and Federal ism.

These members spearheaded the SFG policy to root out the newly formed JLS. They funded a former warlord, Mr. Hiraale, and in doing so, made new chieftains, including Mr. Baasto, an unknown figure manufactured by the SFG as a mechanism to challenge the legitimacy of the JLS. These members met with elders and militias from different clans and bribed them to oppose the Jubbaland system and bear arms against the JLS. This eventually resulted in heavy fighting between those who opposed the JLS, supported by the SFG and Al-Shabab on one side, and the newly formed Jubbaland on the other side. These wars caused unbearable casualties among both fighters and civilians alike.

The Real Reasons Behind SFG’s Opposition to the JLS

With the dishonest claim of the Federal Government’s opposition to the JLS exposed, there are two real reasons for their objection that can be identified. The Prime Minister and his supporters are on one side, and the President and his supporters are on the other side.

The Prime Minister’s Objection

The Prime Minister hails from the Darood clan of the Marehan sub clan. He was born in Dhusomareb City of the Galgadud region. The Marehan clan is one of three main Darood clans. This clan resides in both the Jubbaland and central Somalia, but the majority of it dwells in the JLS, mainly in the Gedo region. However, the minority from the Galgadud region of central Somalia controls the political fortunes of the tribe. The Prime Minister is the very evidence of that. The Jubbaland process is based on a bottom up system that encourages equal rights and a fair and balanced power sharing structure. If Jubbaland flourishes, the Jubbaland Marehans subjugated by the minority from Galgadud would rise up and claim a lion’s share of Somali politics. Both the Prime Minister and Mr. Hiraale, a former warlord steered by the Prime Minister into uniting with Al-Shabab and waging war on the JLS, are part of that minority from central Somalia who would hope to continue their dominance over their brothers in Jubbaland. On the other hand, the Vice President of Jubbaland Mr. Faratag, Mr. Aw Libah the leader of the Al Suna Wal Jamea organization in the south, and ex-MP Mr. Hilowle Adan Mohamud are natives of Jubbaland from Marehan and would like to realize a fully functioning Jubbaland State. Thus, the Prime Minister has a compound personal and tribal interest in preventing Jubbaland from forming a state.
The President’s Objection

The President’s objection towards the JLS is far more complicated than that of the Prime Minister. The President’s political stances are determined by a closed circle with extreme political views. A leader is someone with a vision and desire to achieve and accomplish. A leader must step out of his comfort zone and reach out to his adversaries. In order to lead a nation, a leader must compromise, reconcile, and unify enemies and friends alike towards common goals. President Mohamud is either intentionally ignoring public opinion regarding the direction of the country, or is unaware of reality.

Prior to his election, the United Nations, IGAD, the African Union, and other International community members, in conjunction with the then Somali Transitional government, designed a road map to end the transition period. The Kampala Conference in 2011 laid out the foundation, followed by Garowe I and II. A Federal System that leads Somalia to full international recognition was the goal. The mandate included creating a 275 member House of Representative and a Senate consisting of 54 members, implementing a Federal System within four years, holding a referendum, and transitioning to a fully elected government.

The President and his administration have junked the creation of the 54 member Senate and there is no chance to revive it. While the President has not openly opposed the Federal System, he advocates a more centralized and powerful government. However, his supporters, however, have come out and openly opposed the Federal System, both in print and in other media. This objection to the implementation of a Federal System in Somalia is believed to be driven by shallow minded politics that undermine the general interests of the nation. Up to now, the President has either been unwilling to have an open discussion with his close aides and supporters regarding their injudicious policies that are in contempt of the office of the President, or the President himself holds similar philosophical views.

Considering all these realities, the President cannot accept the birth of a Jubbaland state unless he accepts a Federalist system in Somalia. If Jubbaland continues to thrive and mature, other regional states will follow suit. The formation of these states would leave little room for those from Mogadishu and the central Somali regions. This is from where both the President and his Prime Minister trace their roots. While Federalism may not be in their individual interests, it may well be the only solution to treat Somalia’s addiction to civil war and chaos.
Missteps and Mismanagement of the SFG

Finally, in light of the United Nation’s report on Somalia’s central bank and the abuse of donated funds to Somalia while millions of Somalis are starving to death, it is clear that the President, his Prime Minister and their cabinet ministers seem to underestimate the capacity of the offices and powers entrusted to them. There is a lack of accountability, transparency, and recognition of the value of citizenship, not to mention the incitement through hatred and undiplomatic language spread by cronies in Mogadishu towards Kenyan and Ethiopian peacekeeping troops. These two countries bestowed their blood, financial capital, and political leverage to stabilize Somalia. Many of their troops died to defend Somalia from Al-Shabab. They both hosted Somali refugees and became political as well as financial hubs for Somalis. A thoughtful and diplomatic leader would be thanking them for their unwavering support, but Mogadishu’s allies declared them enemies of Somalia and promised to kill them on sight.
Conclusion

The people of Somalia were exceptionally optimistic about this President and his government finally delivering much needed stabilization and rule of law in the country. This was partly because they were tired of lawlessness and insecurity at home as well as indignity around the

world, and partly because the newly elected President was new comer to the political stage and was expected to lead an inclusive and democratic government. Regrettably, things did not materialize as expected. The current President, Mr. Mohamud, has been dishonest and unforthcoming about the problems that Somalis face, ensuing more disconnects and political antagonism. Recent developments point to a worrying trend: Somalia is being pigeonholed into yet another phase characterized by severe political and social instability, the risk of yet another civil war, and the potential of further loss of life.

Since the President took office, continued allegations of corruption and abuse of power have surfaced. Recently, three different tribes from the Hiiraan region have withdrawn their confidence from the government. After recognition of the Federal Government’s efforts to emasculate the Federal Constitution, peace building, and the reconciliation process, the collaboration between the Puntland State and the Federal Government is in uncharted territory, as Puntland repeatedly threatened to cut ties with the Federal Government. Elders, politicians and generals from the central regions were badly beaten and humiliated at the airport after they demanded an execution of a promise made to them by the President and the members of his cabinet regarding a captured Islamist and a leader of Al-Shabab, Mr. Dahir Aways. The Jubbaland political stalemate has created more complications and unrest. The current government policies seem to be exacerbating old wounds instead of healing them.

The buck stops with the President. There are people who are using the power of Mr. Mohamud’s government to oppress others and gain more authority and power for themselves and for their respective tribes. The President must insure transparency, good governance, and implementation of the only cure to Somalia’s tribalism disease, the Federal System. His government is on a cliff, and if he does not rescue it, the blame will fall squarely on his shoulders, and the people of Somalia will suffer more pain and loss.

Isaac Muhammad is a writer and political analyst based in the United States.

The content of this article exclusively belongs to its writer. For suggestions

Contact Isaac at: Isaacmuhammad@gmail.com

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