Pornography is a multi-billion dollar industry (Dines, 2011). It is one of the largest aspects of the global sex industry with an exponentially expanding consumer base (Jameel, 2015). It remains highly controversial - with conservatives rallying against it (Kappeler, 1986) and most progressives rallying for the protection of pornography as free speech (Hoffman, 1985; Bridges, Wosnitzer, Scharrer, Sun, Liberman, 2010). Pornography is defined as media texts (descriptions or depictions,) with sexually explicit content with the intent to arouse (U.S Department of Justice, 1986). This is also the definition used by Owens, Behun, Manning and Reid (2012). Individuals now have more access to pornography than ever, with over three thousand dollars per second being spent on internet pornography (Purch, 2014). The pornographic media industry has continued to expand despite economic setbacks, with video rentals making $US665 million in 2004 alone (Bridges et al, 2010) – however, the majority of pornography is now found online.
The United States is responsible for about sixty per cent of pornographic internet content (Holmes, 2013). One particular popular pornographic website is responsible for two per cent of all global internet traffic (Anthony, 2012). The average age of viewing pornography for the first time is eleven years old (Dines, 2010). The dominant culture has become one of image rather than print dominant culture as was the case with previous generations (Dines, 2013). There is also no longer a distinction between hardcore and softcore pornography, as softcore pornography has migrated to mainstream popular culture in the form of advertising, music videos, movies and television (Dines, 2010). The implications of pornography consumption, production and distribution on a global scale cannot be watered down to matters of ‘individual identity’ and nor should it be. Pornography is an issue that must be explored in terms of sex, race and class (Kappeler, 1986), specifically one in terms of the recurring theme of male power within pornography (Dworkin, 1981).
Because pornography has become so mainstream – it appears as hegemony and normal (Dines, 2012). Pornography is not just fantasy as fantasies occur in one’s imagination (Dines, 2011). As pornography concerns the sexual objectification of, and/or sexual violence towards women (Bridges et al, 2010; Russell, 1993), it makes sense to analyse it from a feminist perspective. A feminist analysis of pornography must include a content analysis and a representational analysis. While there is rightful outrage at the ever-increasing violence depicted in pornography, few have examined what pornography itself is trying to say. Experts might argue that real life violence is not pornography, but this is a lie (Kappeler, 1986). As Kappeler (1986) points out, the law deals in fact and representation related to fact and the arts deal with (almost) exclusively fiction; however, when the subject is pornography both parties claim to be experts while distancing themselves from it. When it becomes ‘real’ violence, the arts proclaim that it is not theirs and the law proclaims it is not real violence/not real pornography. But as Dworkin (1981) articulates, pornography is real and it happens to women.
Liberals are for it because it is ‘liberating’ and conservatives are against it out of concern for public morality, and feminists are forced to fit into this dichotomy (Kappeler, 1986). And so the rights of men (read: human rights) are pitted against the rights of women. Some feminists may claim that they are against the censorship of pornography out of concern for 'free speech’. Some conservatives may claim they are against pornography, and yet they use it in secret out of their allegiance to patriarchy (Kappeler, 1986).
As there have been significant changes in the content, emphasis and representation of sex and sexuality in pornography within the last twenty years; the distinction between violent and non-violent pornography has become virtually non-existent (Whistnant, 2004):
“…mainstream pornography increasingly merges sex with violence and degradation…” (Whistnant, 2004)
This is supported by the findings of Bridges et al (2010) whose research indicates that only ten per cent of popular pornographic videos didn’t contain an aggressive act. Bridges et al (2010) also found that seventy per cent of aggressive acts were perpetrated by males and 94.4 per cent of the targets of these aggressive acts were female.
This representation of men being the perpetrators of sexually aggressive behaviour and women being the victims of sexually aggressive behaviour serves to reinforce existing patriarchal ideology that men are more biologically aggressive and that women are more biologically passive (Dworkin, 1981).
The most common sexual act depicted was female to male fellatio and the second most common was female to male sexual intercourse (Bridges et al, 2010). This focus on male pleasure and male sexuality conforms to the model of male ideological power proposed by Dworkin (1981) where male power is asserted through a sense of self (which women are said to lack); the right to physical strength; that idea that men are biologically more aggressive; the power of money and wealth; the power of sex (although men as a class assert the opposite) and that sexual power originates in the penis (Dworkin, 1981).
Russell’s (1993) theory is that pornography: a) predisposes some men to want to rape women and intensifies the predisposition on other males already so inclined; b) undermines some male’s internal inhibitions against acting out their desire to rape and c) undermines some male’s social inhibitions against acting out their desire to rape (Russell, 1993). Behun, Mannings, Owen and Reid’s (2012) meta-review of the effect of pornography on teenagers found that pornography consumption was linked to acceptance and adherence to traditional sex role stereotypes.
Women who appear in pornography are more likely to come from a poor socioeconomic background and are more likely to be facing mental health issues, from both prior traumatic life experiences and from the production of pornography itself (Russo, 1998). This serves the interests of male power whereby women are subordinate to men, especially in a sexual way (Dines, 2010; Russo, 1998):
“Through the consumption of products that produce sexual pleasure and entertainment, men learn to sexualize inequality and objectify women’s bodies such that the mistreatment and abuse that these products are predicated upon become invisible or socially insignificant…” (Russo, 1998)
Due to the current limitations on women’s socioeconomic parity, legislative and substantiative equality and sexual equality – no woman is able to enter into the pornographic industry under the guise of ‘freedom of choice’ (Tyler, 2016) which again serves to reinforce existing male power regarding the control of production, distribution and consumption of pornography. Even so-called “feminist” pornography and “female friendly” pornography is distributed by male capitalist interests, including the commodification of the female body and female sexuality. This is a capitulation to existing patriarchal power.
Women in pornography are not permitted to have distinct and human personalities, aspirations and dreams and are instead reduced to sexual objects whose sole purpose is to sexually satisfy men (Hedges, 2009). With titles for pornographic films like Young, Dumb and full of Cum, Monster Cock Fuckfest (Hedges, 2009) there is little room to argue that these are harmless images and videos, especially in regards to their attitudes towards women. There is no unionistion or precise monitoring of the pornography industry (Hedges, 2009). Women in pornography are offered little to no recourse in the case of sexual, physical violence and/or rape by male performers, producers and directors. Women in pornography often suffer from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder as a result of their treatment by agents, male performers and directors (Hedges, 2009).
Race is an important factor in pornography – with Black women and women of colour often relegated to the sidelines of both pro and anti-pornography arguments (Dines, 2010). Women of colour and Black women are also frequently paid less than their white counterparts (Olivia, 2015; Dines, 2010). Women of colour and black women are more likely to feature in degrading and racially stereotyped pornography (Dines, 2010):
“The racial politics of the porn industry today mirror those of pop culture in that the majority of people involved in the production end of the business is white.” (Dines, 2010)
The levels of racism that appear in pornography would not be permitted to be shown in other forms of media, with titles like Long Dong Black Kong (Dines, 2010) and Nappy Headed Hoes (Rhett, 2007). These are titles based on archaic and racist stereotypes originating from the trans-Atlantic slave trade (Dines, 2011) that would be highly taboo (if not outright forbidden,) in any other form of media. This serves to reinforce existing white male ideology that the sexuality of Black Americans is animalistic and untamed (Dines, 2010).
As another example of the racism rife in pornography, Asian women are depicted as submissive, demure and sexually servile (Dines, 2010).
Their submission to white males is sexualised (Dines, 2010) and Asian men are glaringly absent from pornography (largely due to stereotypes about the ‘feminine’ nature of Asian men,) (Dines, 2010). Women of colour and black women seldom gain contracts with major pornography producers (known as ‘features’) and are instead consigned to gonzo: body punishing, hardcore pornography. They are regularly referred to as “slant eyed sluts” and “big booty ghetto girls” (Dines, 2011), in any other context this would be considered racist and/or hate speech. Those who display concern about freedom of speech issues in pornography seem to have no concern about ‘censorship’ in regards to other media stereotyping and using hate speech..
Class is one of the third crucial factors influencing the decision of women into pornography. Women from lower socio-economic groups are more likely to appear in pornography (Russo, 1998). Pornographic performer and director, Ron Jeremey, has a series of pornographic films called White Trash Whores (Adult Film Database, 2016) which serve to reinforce stereotypes about impoverished white women being sexually promiscuous.
Porn is not about love or eroticism. It is about power and money. It is a transaction. It is based on the conversion of women into objects. They are assigned a monetary value and sexually exploited for profit. (Hedges, 2009)
Women in pornography are not paid royalties for their films and are instead paid on their basis to complete a pornographic scene (Hall, n.d). This means that the majority of wealth ends up in the hands of male investors, directors, producers and distributors. The women receive petty compensation for a lifetime of depictions of acts of sexual violence perpetrated against them.
BumFights was an exploitative video series where creator Ryan McPherson encouraged and filmed homeless and socio-economically disadvantaged men and boys to engage in acts of violence and degradation in exchange for alcohol and/or money (CCF, 2006). These films were then distributed by video rentals and via the internet. This caused a massive outcry and these films were described as exploitative and dehumanising towards homeless people (Molloy, 2006). There are parallels between Bumfights and pornography’s exploitation of women and yet few are willing to discuss the issue of socio-economic status and its influence on women’s “choice” to enter the pornographic film industry, nor are many prepared to condemn the exploitation and degradation of women within the pornographic industry. Instead, it is a multi-billion dollar industry (Dines, 2011) which men masturbate to and call it ‘freedom of speech’ (Fredrick, 1996).
“The aim of realism is to obliterate our awareness of the medium and its conventions and to make us take what is represented for a reflection of natural reality. Realism sees itself as holding up a mirror to life.” (Kappeler, 1986)
Pornography (especially gonzo) is an attempt to represent male domination over women (the abstract) through violent sexual practices (the material). No one questions who is holding up the mirror and why they are holding it up (Kappeler, 1986). Men do this to gain profit and to shape male sexuality in their own image and reinforce cultural norms of masculinity/male domination.
A culture ruled by the pornographic image has become a staple of mainstream culture. Individual identity does not factor into the production, distribution and consumption of pornography but race, sex and class do. The majority of wealth, power and influence within the pornography industry are held by white American males. Pornography functions to uphold male supremacy, patriarchal values and ideologies which encourage and perpetuate the sex role stereotyping, objectification of and violence towards women (Dworkin, 1993). Pornography is a form of media that relies on exploitative practices and violent behaviour towards all women.
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